• NOVEMBER 23, 2009
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This Week at War, No. 23

What the four-stars are reading -- a weekly column from Small Wars Journal.

BY ROBERT HADDICK | JULY 2, 2009

Who in the government is "expeditionary" and who is irrelevant?

On June 25th, eight former U.S. secretaries of state (Henry Kissinger, George Shultz, James Baker, Lawrence Eagleburger, Warren Christopher, Madeleine Albright, Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice) published an article in Politico calling for more congressional funding for the State Department. The secretaries argued that U.S. foreign policy will not be effective until the diplomacy and development portions of that policy are fully staffed with trained and funded civilian personnel. They noted that the additional funding needed for the Foreign Service and other civilian enablers of foreign policy are a tiny fraction of the Pentagon's annual budget.

Few object to this argument, least of all Defense Secretary Robert Gates, and Joint Chiefs Chairman Admiral Mike Mullen. The question that remains is how eager the civilian portions of the U.S. government are to become truly "expeditionary"? How willing are foreign service officers, along with officials from Treasury, Agriculture, Justice, Centers for Disease Control, etc., to spend prolonged stretches of their careers in remote and dangerous outposts in some of the darkest corners of the world?

The era of "persistent irregular conflict," if that is what we are in, will not occur in European or Asian capitals, but at forward operating bases and combat outposts. In these cases, the interlocutors of U.S. diplomats and development specialists will in many cases be tribal and non-state groups rather than government officials.

During this decade, the U.S. military has adapted to this reality. As it has done so, its uniformed members and contractors have in many cases taken over diplomatic and development tasks that had been previously performed by civilian portions of the government and drawn funding away from them. The "militarization" of U.S. foreign policy is now worrisome, even (or especially) to the top officials in the Pentagon.

There are thousands of foreign service officers and other civilian employees of the U.S. government out in the field doing their work under difficult conditions. But are their agencies back in Washington adapting as well as the Pentagon has? In order to remain relevant, everyone, not just the military, needs to get expeditionary.

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Robert Haddick is managing editor of Small Wars Journal.

 

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J THOMAS

7:54 PM ET

July 3, 2009

The era of "persistent

The era of "persistent irregular conflict," if that is what we are in, will not occur in European or Asian capitals, but at forward operating bases and combat outposts. In these cases, the interlocutors of U.S. diplomats and development specialists will in many cases be tribal and non-state groups rather than government officials.

Is there any reason to think we are in an era where we will persist in irregular combat among tribal and non-state groups?

One rationale is 9/11. The theory is that tribal people can provide a base to teach advanced espionage and sabotage, that people trained in these areas -- without flush toilets or EFT stations -- can then hide in US cities long enough to commit giant atrocities. But this is utter bullshit. If we are vulnerable to hi-tech sabotage then anybody who has access to the sabotage mehods can attack us. Anybody. Our job is then to become less vulnerable, not to occupy every third-world hellhole where we think training bases are possible.

A second rationale is oil and other vital resources. If we need the resources and tribal people are sitting on them, then we might feel it useful to do COIN to suppress the people who might otherwise interfere with our extracting those resources. But this is short-sighted. Better to find the minimum group of natives that can protect the resources from the rest and recognise them as a nation. They can suppress the rest, or give them a share -- whatever they think will work. If they get caught up in a destructive internal war that interferes with exports then they lose. If the USA winds up with extensive military forces doing COIN it means the locals we're supporting are too small and weak a group and we ought to be supporting a larger coalition, one that can win without a lot of foreign troops.

Is there a third rationale? Well, maybe a strategic location, and we suppress the locals so we can keep our bases there? I guess our atrocities in the philippines were for that. So, we need the strategic locations so we can threaten somebody else, and the COIN is a minor preventive thing? The bases can't be valuable enough for the COIN turns into a big deal for itself.

Then there's the ideological thing. Somebody else is being undemocratic so it's our responsibility to force them to be better for sheer morality.

Is there any particular reason to think that after the current aberrations are settled, that we'll persist in any of this?

 
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