Corruption is also endemic in the country. Afghanistan was ranked among the top five most-corrupt countries in the world by Transparency International this year. Ties to the $4 billion opium trade are found at every level of government. Even when the justice system seems to function, the powerful go free. In April, President Hamid Karzai pardoned five convicted drug traffickers -- one the nephew of his campaign manager. And most ordinary Afghans don't have access to a reliable court to resolve their disputes.
The most dangerous direction for Afghanistan, and the United States, is increased military engagement that props up an increasingly illegitimate government. Instead, the United States must act aggressively with its Afghan partners in the lead to break the cycle of impunity and corruption that's dragging us all down and providing a hospitable environment for the insurgency.
A few key steps should be taken immediately after the election to set a clear tone for the next Afghan government. First, the Afghan president should make a major speech indicating zero tolerance for corruption and criminality. Second, this demonstration of leadership should be accompanied by the creation of a new, empowered anti-corruption and serious-crimes task force, independent of the government agencies it may be investigating. The international community must devote intelligence and investigative support, as well as the manpower to support dangerous raids. In the first few months, several high profile cases including the removal and/or prosecution of officials engaged in criminality, including members of parliament, should be highly publicized. We should approach this mission with the same vigor as other key elements of the counterinsurgency campaign. Third, the new Obama administration counternarcotics strategy that shifts resources from feckless eradication programs to focus on interdiction and prosecution must be successfully implemented.
Finally, we must put real effort into strengthening Afghan institutions that will be responsible for these matters over the long haul, giving them the capacity and tools they need to lead. At the same time, we must be realistic in understanding that most Afghan disputes will continue to be resolved by traditional councils of elders, tribal and religious leaders. Rather than fight what works, we should embrace it and develop ties between the formal and informal justice systems.
All of these efforts will require significantly more resources and attention than we've devoted to justice over the last eight years -- but still a fraction of the cost of elections and military campaigns. Most importantly, it will require political will, from Washington and Kabul, to reverse the perception of injustice that threatens our success.
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