
The notion that the United States cannot govern the world alone, that the time has come for Americans to think "intercontinentally," is hardly revolutionary. On July 4, 1962, U.S. President John F. Kennedy described the obsolescence of the idea of U.S. hegemony: "Acting on our own, by ourselves, we cannot establish justice throughout the world; we cannot insure its domestic tranquility or provide for its common defense, or promote its general welfare, or secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." The United States must, as Kennedy believed then, seek out a partner in this endeavor. That partner was Europe.
Forty-seven years later, a new U.S. president, Barack Obama appears willing to resurrect the tenets of Kennedy's speech, adopting a far more conciliatory approach to transatlantic relations than his Republican predecessor. In his address during April's NATO summit, Obama lamented the U.S. "failure to appreciate Europe's leading role in the world," and acknowledged that "there have been times where America has shown arrogance and been dismissive, even derisive." He promised a more cooperative, multilateral approach where America "listens and learns from our friends and allies." European heads of state responded in kind, eager to ride the Obama wave of change. Hopes for an Obama-led U.S. foreign policy soared, as did expectations for a more integrated and fully formed U.S.-EU partnership.
But that sentiment seems to be fading and some unexpected coolness has entered the relationship. As early as the G-20 summit in London, also in April, divergences appeared between the United States and the European Union. Washington wanted the summit talks to emphasize joint economic stimulus measures. The EU -- particularly Germany, with Europe's largest economy, as well as France and Italy -- stressed the need for greater financial regulation. Further, Chancellor Angela Merkel emphasized that Germany needed both to export more and maintain balanced budgets -- ideas at odds with Washington, which viewed greater European domestic consumption and massive fiscal stimulus as important pieces of the global economic rebalancing puzzle.
Climate change is another area of concern. It is now too late for the U.S. Congress to pass a climate-change bill before December's U.N. Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen, Denmark. Further, whatever climate legislation that does emerge from the U.S. legislature is unlikely to be as meaningful as most Europeans (and many Americans) had hoped. This is leading to disillusionment across the Atlantic, which would like to synchronize its trading scheme with the new U.S. plan.
Differences over Afghanistan in recent weeks also explain some of the unsettling state of affairs. Despite the hawkish statements of figures like NATO chief Anders Fogh Rasmussen, most European countries are looking to pull back their commitments and support a smaller-scale and lighter-footprint war there. Washington sees Europeans reluctant to provide more resources to fight the Taliban, while in European capitals there is concern that the Obama administration's strategy is growing more uncertain.






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