
Two months ago, I was standing in the 100-plus degree heat of Jalalabad, Afghanistan, monitoring an election that gained infamy almost as soon as it began. As an observer for the International Republican Institute (IRI), I witnessed the effects fraud, intimidation, and voter apathy firsthand. And I saw why the runoff election that would have taken place later this month, had it not been cancelled today, would have been no better. Most importantly, I saw the barrage of lessons that Afghanistan and the international community will have to learn before parliamentary and district elections next year if there is any hope for better outcomes.
By now, everyone knows the outcome of August's vote: a competently administered election marred by blatant fraud, followed by an adjudication process that threw out tainted ballots. The result saw front-runner and incumbent, President Hamid Karzai, sink to less than 50 percent of the vote, thereby triggering an upcoming runoff election -- one that everyone hoped would redeem, if only partially, the legitimacy of the election process in Afghan eyes. But yesterday, Karzai's opponent Abdullah Abdullah pulled out of the runoff, saying he couldn't participate in another flawed vote. Now, the second ballot is off altogether. Karzai is back for another term, period.
The elections in Afghanistan mattered, and getting them wrong has had a serious impact. For its policy in Afghanistan to be effective, the United States cannot be seen as condoning -- or worse, complicit in -- a government that is only interested in enriching its members, rather than providing services and improving economic, health, and educational prospects for its citizens. Many in Afghanistan blame the United States for having sat by and watched while the central government skimmed off international funds.
The runoff was an acknowledgment of how badly the United States and its allies need to consolidate Afghan public opinion in favor of a legitimate government and, by extension, NATO troops. Abdullah's withdrawal is a reality check. If the international community is to prevent the same fraud, intimidation, and apathy from marring upcoming parliamentary and local elections -- the kind that matter most, in the everyday sense to Afghans -- there is much work to be done.
A good start would be to look back at how badly things went in August. The IRI delegation of about 29 internationals and 40 Afghans was part of the roughly 300-strong international monitoring effort that covered the country's 28,000 polling stations (only 6,100 of which actually opened on election day). Out of about 31 million Afghans, about 16.5 million were registered to vote, and polling was set to run from 7 a.m to 4 p.m. Our job was to assess whether the elections appeared to be free and fair.
Jalalabad, my team's monitoring location, reportedly has a population of about 300,000, though there hasn't been a census in decades. As with the rest of Afghanistan, the city had no voter list. A senior election official told us after the vote that $100 million was spent to issue registration cards nationwide, but the data obtained was not converted into national or provincial registration lists.
Majid Saeedi/Getty Images
Evelyn N. Farkas is a senior fellow at the American Security Project. She was an election monitor in Afghanistan in August and recently participated in NATO's Transatlantic Opinion Leaders delegation to Afghanistan.
So, here we go again! The declaration of Hamid Karzai as president today could be the start of yet another prolonged power struggle in an already messy political environment orchestrated by drug mafias, terrorists and the Talibans.
It is indeed a 'royal mess'! One wonders how much things will further worsen in that part of the world. One also wonders what happened to Abdullah Abdullah; what made him change his mind? Will he be cooperating with the new Karzai administration? Has he made any compromises with Karzai? Will there be power sharing or the same old cat and mouse play?
All these power struggles have cost too many precious human lives. How much more sacrifice is needed to achieve that long elusive peace? Will we ever 'capture' that 'moment' when the AfPak area will be free of political horror stories?
The Afghans and the Pakistanis are by nature hot tempered, by virtue of some genetically twisted history, or, perhaps the damning weather conditions make them go crazy! Whatever the case may be this Karzai-Abdullah circus may be the beginning of another episode of street fighting (metaphorically speaking) that may dent the superb efforts of Senator Kerry just a couple of weeks ago.
All said and done, the US may prima facie support Karzai, the 'winner'. However, it remains to be seen how effectively Karzai can govern in the face of mounting political uncertainities within Afghanistan. The US may have to find a backup plan soon in order to counter a potential upsurge that may force Karzai to hang up his boots and say goodbye.
The situation is volatile, to say the least. Afghans are strong-willed folks. It is not easy to break them. On the other hand, Karzai does not enjoy the confidence of the people. The United States needs a solid leader to achieve stability in the area. Understood that Washington does not directly want to interfere in the Kabul's affairs, it may perhaps be advisable if Karzai is asked to ‘voluntarily’ let go and move on. In the given set of circumstances, this could be the best solution possible.
Karzai hasn’t been too successful in maintaining an even handed relationship with the neighboring countries. Whereas Pakistan is a lost cause anyway, Karzai has basically been confined within the realm of the Presidential Palace in Kabul. As an extension of this argument, it is nothing but natural that he hasn’t been able broaden his political base within Afghanistan as well. Those close to him say that he did play a ‘smart move’ by targeting tribal elders just before the elections and was able to make some headway vis-à-vis turning the tide in his favor, enough to give him almost 50% votes.
The precarious balance of power in Afghanistan is enough to destabilize the entire region. The already ‘factionalized’ polity doesn’t need any more enemies of the system. If Karzai doesn’t go away on his own, it may not be a bad idea if Abdullah Abdullah promises to ‘behave’ for sake of a stronger Afghanistan.
(1)
HIDE COMMENTS LOGIN OR REGISTER REPORT ABUSE