No One Left to Blame

On July 21, 2008, the day that Radovan Karadzic -- whose war crimes trial began at The Hague last week -- was finally captured, I was taking a driving tour through the former Bosnian Serb leader's career. I started in Sarajevo, besieged by Karadzic's forces for three years, stopped for pizza in Pale, his wartime capital, and passed through Srebrenica, scene of the Bosnian war's most terrible massacre.

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That night, I watched the celebrations of his arrest: jubilant young people stopping traffic on Sarajevo's Marshal Tito Street, waving Bosnian flags -- not the deracinated triangle and stars conjured up by European bureaucrats, but the wartime fleur-de-lis. One man waved a Turkish flag. To outsiders, the relevance may have been less than clear, but his joy was unmistakable: Even Turks, of whom there are again many in Sarajevo, were as happy at the news as were the Bosnians gathered in the rain chanting "Ovo je Bosna" -- "This is Bosnia."

But though I watched, I missed the party. Because when the news broke I had just arrived in Banja Luka, capital of Bosnia's Republika Srpska, the Serb-majority region of the country, and the only celebrations were on TV, broadcast from Sarajevo. No one was out on the streets. This was Bosnia too, but a very different one -- no Marshal Tito Street, and not many Turks either.

While not all Serbs were bothered by Karadzic's arrest -- particularly in Banja Luka, where his Pale-based clique was never well-liked -- many were unhappy about what they saw, and still see, as Bosnian Muslims' triumphalism over the capture of the founder and defender of their almost-country. Those Turkish flags in Sarajevo read rather differently to Serbs, which is precisely why they were being waved: During the war, Serbs called their enemies "Turci." From Banja Luka, Muslim jubilation looked like a victory dance.

This is the main obstacle to attempts to make Bosnia a coherent state. The country's Muslim, Serb, and Croat communities remain deeply divided by attitudes, memories, politics, and even economics. These divisions are more like what usually separates people across borders rather than within them. Everyone agrees the present situation can't go on, but no one shares any ideas about what should replace the two-headed, three-hearted, 12-legged monstrosity that is the Bosnian state.

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