Crocker Looks Back

A candid interview from the former U.S. ambassador to Iraq on the recent elections, the Iraqi tendency toward authoritarianism, and President Barack Obama's proposed drawdown, which, Crocker admits, makes him "nervous."

INTERVIEW BY DAVID KENNER | MARCH 10, 2010

Ryan Crocker served as U.S. ambassador to Iraq from 2007 to 2009, during the critical period that began with U.S. President George W. Bush's "surge" and ended with Iraq's January 2009 provincial elections. Working closely with Gen. David Petraeus, Crocker played a major role in the improvement of Iraq's security conditions, which culminated in the Iraqi Army's successful assault on Moqtada al-Sadr's Mahdi Army in the southern city of Basra.

Foreign Policy's David Kenner spoke with Crocker, now the dean of Texas A&M University's George Bush School of Government and Public Service, about what Iraq's recent elections means for the country. While he was heartened by the relatively successful election day and the increasing support for cross-sectarian coalitions, Crocker also spoke candidly about his opposition to President Barack Obama's plan to decrease the U.S. presence in Iraq to 50,000 "support troops" by the end of August. "It makes me nervous," he said. Excerpts:

Foreign Policy: We don't have results for the Iraqi elections, but I was hoping for your perspective based on what we know so far. What's your top-level assessment?

Ryan Crocker: I think the elections came off as well as anyone could have hoped. The significant thing, in contrast to the 2005 elections, is that the Iraqis basically did this themselves. We had 130,000 troops everywhere in the country to secure the last elections. This time it was all Iraqis.

FP: [Prime Minister Nouri] al-Maliki is a known quantity in U.S. circles, but what do you think accounts for [Iraqi National Accord candidate Ayad] Allawi's surge of appeal in recent months?

RC: We saw the early indications of this in the 2009 provincial elections. [Allawi] really only campaigned for the last month or so before the elections, but he did surprisingly well. I think after the horrors of sectarian violence that Iraq went through, his message of cross-sectarian interest and identity resonated. Again, we'll have to see where this shakes out, but if it turns out he did quite well, it's part of a process that has been going on for some time.

FP: In a recent conference call with FP, New York Times Iraq reporter Anthony Shadid referred to Allawi's success in "capturing neo-Baathist sentiment." Others have raised concerns about his autocratic tendencies. Is this a concern?

RC: I always find it interesting that Allawi is characterized as a neo-Baathist, since he narrowly survived an ax attack by the real Baathists on him. So no, I don't see in him a return to the day of the people who tried to murder him.

But there is a more profound question underneath this that I frame along the lines of political cultures persisting after regimes change. Iraqi political culture has a tendency toward authoritarianism. Since the 1958 revolution, you've seen a succession of authoritarian leaders; it didn't start with Saddam Hussein. You see it in Maliki, who reminds me not of Saddam, as his critics assert, but more of [former Iraq prime minister] Abdul Karim Qasim. One phenomenon to watch is signs of a persistent authoritarian streak in Iraqi political culture, not at all limited just to Allawi.

FP: Gen. Ray Odierno has said that the Iraq elections will keep the drawdown of U.S. forces on track. Do you personally believe that the U.S. military can get down to 50,000 troops by Sept. 1?

RC: The agreement I helped negotiate had an intermediate timeline to have forces out of cities and towns by mid-2009, which was accomplished, and full withdrawal by 2011. The August 2010 date was not part of that agreement. I would have preferred to see us keep maximum flexibility with the Iraqis between now and 2011.

It makes me nervous. We're going to have a prolonged period of government formation. It could take two or three months, [and] it's likely to be a pretty turbulent process. I think [the government formation process], in and of itself, is not likely to be destabilizing, but it means that the major issues out there aren't going to be addressed. Things like disputed internal boundaries, Kirkuk, the relationship between federal, regional, and provincial governments -- all of that's going to be on hold until you have a new government.

That means that things aren't going to be much further along come August than they are right now. So I would be more comfortable, within the terms of the agreement we negotiated, with keeping a more robust force for a longer period of time.

Wathiq Khuzaie/Getty Images

 

Ryan Crocker is dean of Texas A&M University's George Bush School of Government and Public Service and a former U.S. ambassador to Iraq.

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STEVE358

11:34 AM ET

March 14, 2010

I take it differently

Funny, but if you take the two interviews (Crocker and Friedman) together, the underlying concerns are the same.

The Ambassador's focus was not on US military so much as US influence---quietly and strategically---as organizational capacity grows. Friedman's points, too.

The lesson of Iraq's bias toward strong men remains, both as a bulwark against "unravelling" and a warning of the unique challenges of democracy in a nation who's future economy is, at present, deeply grounded in oil.

Once government power flows from the ground, and not from taxes on the people, the challenges for true democracy, and the risks of strong men acting against the people and neighbors is always greater.

This is one of those embedded challenges in Iraq, and the unique importance of carefully nurturing a people-centered focus in Iraq's national polity.

Iraq has successfully rebuilt itself before--always as a nation---but not as a democracy.

 

STEVE358

11:35 AM ET

March 14, 2010

Oops.

Comment to Tom Ricks' blog accidently posted to this article.