
Up the hill from Maroun el-Ras, a village along the Lebanon-Israeli border that witnessed fierce fighting between Hezbollah and the Israeli army during the 2006 war, a new public garden has been built. A number of Iranian flags greet visitors at the entrance, which opens up to a recreation center featuring dozens of barbecue pits, a playground, seating facilities, and a mosque. And it is all provided free of charge.
"This is a gift from Iran to the Lebanese people who resisted and endured," reads a placard welcoming visitors, mostly Lebanese Shiites. Behind the mosque -- located at the center of the park and topped by a large Iranian flag -- and the picnic tables, Israeli settlements appear in the distance. "We can have fun, but should never ever forget that the Israelis are still there," declared Hasan, a 25-year-old Lebanese Shiite from the neighboring town of Bint Jbeil.
Although he lives in Beirut, Hasan visits this park every weekend in the summer because he feels that it represents his identity and endorses his principles. "I do not want to go places where people can drink alcohol or carry out indecent sexual behavior in public. I want to be with people who share my moral standards," he added.
The fusion of leisure, religion, and politics has become an indispensable strategy for Hezbollah, particularly following its 2006 war with Israel. As the party reconstructed South Lebanon and Beirut's southern suburbs (known as Dahiyeh) following the conflict, it built -- and encouraged investors to build -- entertainment venues that cater to Shiites of all social and economic classes.
After the 2006 war, Iranian money flowed in massive quantities to Hezbollah. This was not charity: The Islamic Republic of Iran was determined to ensure that its client could solidify its standing within Lebanon's Shiite community and reconstitute its fighting strength before the next round against Israel. Hezbollah used these funds to compensate the Shiites who lost relatives, homes, and businesses during the war.
Mohammad Ali Mokalled, a Shiite writer and a candidate who ran in opposition to Hezbollah in the party's stronghold of Nabatiyeh in last June's parliamentary elections, said that Hezbollah used the money coming from Iran to buy people's allegiance -- and it worked. "If you ask anyone in the south today if they are afraid of an upcoming war with Israel, they tell you yes, but they also say that they would support Hezbollah no matter what happens," he said.
Local media reported that reconstruction funds reached $300 million, channeled to Hezbollah through the Iranian Embassy in Beirut. Many Shiite residents of Dahiyeh gave Hezbollah's foundation, al-Waad al-Sadiq (The Truthful Promise), power of attorney to manage their property and compensation, which came from Iran, the Lebanese government, and other Arab states. "This made Hezbollah both the donor and the controller," Mokalled explained.
As cash quickly became abundant, people started to purchase luxury goods. "Hezbollah preferred to offer luxury to its constituents itself, [rather] than have them use facilities in areas outside its stronghold," said Waddah Sharara, a sociology professor at Lebanese University and the author of The State of Hezbollah. In this way, Hezbollah kept its supporters away from Beirut's cosmopolitan temptations -- and the supposedly pernicious influence of Lebanon's other communities.
Almost four years after the war, night life in Dahiyeh is booming. In an area that is inhabited by half a million residents, dozens of cafes and restaurants have opened recently, with Western-style decoration, menus, and names. Amusement parks, sports centers, private beaches for women, wedding halls, exhibition centers, and summer youth camps -- all are entertainment services that developed rapidly after 2006. The residents refer to the streets where these venues are located as "Downtown Dahiyeh."
COMMENTS (2)
SUBJECTS:
















(2)
HIDE COMMENTS LOGIN OR REGISTER REPORT ABUSE