
On May 13, 2008, Diego Fernando Murillo, aka "Don Berna," the notorious Colombian warlord and heir to famed drug kingpin Pablo Escobar, walked off a plane in suburban New York, his hands cuffed behind him. Thirteen other high-profile leaders of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia, a heavily armed, well-financed paramilitary group on the U.S. State Department's list of foreign terrorist organizations, also arrived via Drug Enforcement Administration planes across the United States that same day to face criminal charges in U.S. courts for narcotrafficking. The mass extradition was hailed by U.S. and Colombian officials as a victory for justice and a model of hemispheric cooperation.
In reality, it was a travesty -- the accused were only charged with crimes related to cocaine smuggling into the United States and walked away from indictments on hundreds of murders, kidnappings, and other atrocities back home in Colombia. It set a troubling precedent for a government that would rather export its problems than deal with them. Worse, as the United States poached these top criminals, it deprived Colombia's legal system of the chance to prosecute local crimes, robbed victims of the possibility for any resolution, sacrificed vital evidence that could be used in stopping further offenses, and might have pushed the country further away from building a lasting peace with its violent and virulent armed groups.
Since President Álvaro Uribe came to power in 2002, nearly 1,200 Colombian nationals -- including top drug lords and cartel operators from the country's simmering rebel insurgency -- have been extradited to the United States to stand trial. Of the nearly 57,000 foreign-born prisoners in U.S. jails today, Colombian citizens make up the second-largest national group (with Mexicans the largest). But though extradition was once widely supported as a means of bypassing Colombia's massive legislative and judicial corruption, today it is so controversial that it has become the subject of a standoff between the presidency and the Supreme Court.
The extradition binge was born of the chaos of Colombia in the 1980s and 1990s, when cartels held the state hostage to their terror campaign. Their power extended throughout the country: Drug gangs established alliances with leftist insurgents, such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), and as time went on, also permeated their rivals -- a network of right-wing paramilitaries that morphed from community protectorates into brutal occupiers that trafficked cocaine and kidnapped citizens. The cartels also dug deep into the Colombian political class and found high-level allies, to the extent that they were able to successfully change the Colombian Constitution in 1991 to prohibit the extradition of Colombian citizens. After years of the worst kidnappings and assassinations the region had ever seen -- as well as a boom in the cocaine trade to the United States -- pressure from Washington at last persuaded the country to allow extraditions in late 1997, and the worst drug kingpins were sent abroad.
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