Mogadishu Was a Blast

Our trip to the world’s most failed state -- by way of Kandahar.

BY ALEX STRICK VAN LINSCHOTEN, FELIX KUEHN | JULY/AUGUST 2010

"We can't let you leave."

The African Union soldiers with whom we'd thrown in our lot a few hours earlier were shocked to learn we actually planned to head back into the city of Mogadishu, abandoning the relative safety of their base on the outskirts of the Somali capital.

Their commander was adamant we not be allowed to go. Finally, after much protestation from our side, the soldiers came up with a compromise. We were told to write a letter saying that if we left the base and were killed in Mogadishu, it would be entirely our own responsibility. "You will be dead," the African Union mission spokesman told us when we finally left. "You will die today."

Mogadishu, as we quickly learned, is not an easy place to visit.

We had arrived there on our way back to Kandahar, another war-torn city unwelcoming to outsiders, where kidnappings, disappearances, and gunfire have sadly become regular features of life. But Mogadishu feels different. As we've seen while living for the last two years in the stronghold of Afghanistan's Taliban revival, Kandahar at war is still a functioning city, with traffic, construction noise, and large markets. Mogadishu is an empty moonscape of anarchy and destruction. There are precious few remnants of everyday life.

"Anything can happen," Nuruddin, our driver, host, and security advisor, warned us as we headed from the African Union base to the ironically named Peace Hotel. We would be the hotel's only two guests. Nuruddin gave us a short lecture when we arrived; several other foreigners had been killed or kidnapped before our visit. "There are weird people around. They would sell you -- you are a lot of money for them."

Mostly, we were struck by the empty menace of the place. No one stays on the street after 3 p.m. Hundreds of thousands have abandoned Mogadishu altogether for camps outside the city. "I don't think there can be anybody left in the city anymore," is how the besieged administrator of one camp put it when we spoke.

The only crowded place in Mogadishu is the main hospital. In the first 10 minutes of our visit, three patients were brought into the emergency room, each with bullet or shrapnel wounds. In the intensive care ward, beds are filled with the war-wounded -- and these are only the ones whose injuries are so severe that sending them home would result in certain death; the rest are discharged due to overcrowding.

Abdul Aziz, 4, suffered a severe skull injury when the area of northern Mogadishu where his family lives was shelled. The hospital did not have the necessary expertise to repair his skull. So instead of surgery, Abdul's father was given an official-looking letter. It read: "This injury needs the attention of a neurosurgeon not available at this time in Mogadishu." He had been waiting 28 days for outside help to arrive. It hadn't.

When we asked to visit the front lines, Somalia's state defense minister was skeptical: "Did you bring enough men for that?" He agreed to accompany us, though, and we traveled in two jeeps, the second car packed with a half-dozen guards.

The front was marked by a row of green sandbags. The ground was covered with empty shell and AK-47 casings. On the other side, not visible but clearly not far away either, were fighters of the insurgent group al-Shabab. Somali insurgents are cloaked in as much mystique as the Taliban are in Afghanistan. Both groups fight with guerrilla-style tactics: raids on government areas and checkpoints, targeted operations involving small numbers of fighters, and suicide bombings. We saw much evidence of this -- and little presence of Somalia's nominal government, the country's 14th since 1991.

Officially, the fighting in Somalia is about Islam and ideology, but in reality it is also about money and power -- and in this way at least it reminded us of Afghanistan. Back at the Peace Hotel, a Somali friend visited us for dinner. Our conversation turned toward U.S. intervention and what the arrival of American troops in Somalia could mean. "Of course they should come," he told us. "We need the money. We need the contracts."

The wars being fought in Somalia and Afghanistan are both difficult and tragic. Mogadishu is a stark reminder of how much worse the situation in Kandahar could get. Indeed, the paranoia that has settled into Kandahar these days feels uncomfortably similar to what we felt during the few days we spent wrapped up in flak jackets in Somalia's capital.

Of course, few people have been to both cities to study the comparison. One night we invited a new friend in Mogadishu to visit us in Kandahar. His response: "Visit you in Afghanistan? You're crazy! It's too dangerous."

NEXT: Why Bad Guys Matter

ROBERTO SCHMIDT/AFP/Getty Images

 

Alex Strick van Linschoten and Felix Kuehn are Afghanistan-based researchers who edited the autobiography of Abdul Salam Zaeef, My Life with the Taliban.

COMRADE RED

5:01 PM ET

July 12, 2010

Pictures!

Pretty please?

 

MINDALAY

12:56 PM ET

July 17, 2010

Somalia has not had a stable

Somalia has not had a stable central government since 1991.
I am really very shocked to hear the death hassan subeyr he was my really friend he was my childhood freind we was play football together in xamar jab jab weekiyo we miss you.
Thanks for original pic. I might make it my new wallpapers.

 

ASHOK2718

5:39 AM ET

July 13, 2010

Joke in last line was superb

Anyway can anyone please tell what the forces of African Union are doing about lawless states in Africa.

I heard some of the arguments in Moral Maze on BBC this :

1) Western presence would mean that "christians" are fighting "muslims". So westerns don't want to come (either by UNPKF or NATO as UK proposed)

2) There have almost no resources that is why these places are not important.

3) An African said that west should stay away and keep their nonsense of Black man being white man's burden and their AU forces can take care of African problems themselves.

But apart from these one thing I think is certain -- Africa doesn't have any flash points that can destabilize others outside it.

 

GRANT

10:11 AM ET

July 13, 2010

The African Union (AU) does

The African Union (AU) does have a 5,000 man force in Somalia, mostly tasked with guarding what's left of the Transitional Government (TG). The AU has recently decided that if the United Nations (UN) doesn't do something fast the TG will probably be overrun soon. The problem is:

1. The U.S isn't keen to the idea of funding a peacekeeping effort that could very well be ineffective, which is justifiable. Also the U.S is really the only member state that can fund peacekeeping efforts that ambitious.

2. The states that would normally provide the soldiers (India, Pakistan etc) don't seem to want to, possibly from the U.S experience in the 90s. When Ethiopia invaded in 2006 it was able to break up the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) but failed to destroy Al Shabab and suffered enough casualties that it pulled out not too long after.

3. Eritrea has a history of backing the insurgents on occasion.

As for your third comment, I suggest you look at Sudan, Nigeria, the DR Congo and Egypt.

On the writers I have but one question. What were you thinking? Every informal guide I know of to Mogadishu makes it clear. Hire armed guards! The AU officer should have told you how stupid it was!

 

COMRADE RED

11:02 AM ET

July 13, 2010

Joe Biden in action

It's kind of a case study of Joe Biden's preferred way of fighting the war on terror with small numbers of special operations forces and drone strikes rather than an entire army on the scene with how the United States has occasionally taken out high profile factional leaders in Somalia. I hope it works out.

 

LAVBO0321

3:22 PM ET

July 13, 2010

You can thank Pres. Clinton

When we pulled out in early 1994 due to Blackhawk down, we did exactly what our enemies knew we would do.

And Somalia turned out exactly as predicted. Somalia is how we must have wanted it to be.

Thank you Bill Clinton for this mess.

 

COMRADE RED

5:28 PM ET

July 13, 2010

Hindsight is 20-20. In 1994

Hindsight is 20-20. In 1994 the US had no way of knowing that 16 years on Somalia would still be in a state of anarchy, and at the time terrorism wasn't believed to be a major threat to the United States.

 

MUSTNOTSLEEP14

6:14 PM ET

July 13, 2010

Bill Clinton was a fantastic

Bill Clinton was a fantastic president, blaming him for ethnic strife in Somalia is retarded.

 

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