Fix the Police

One of the most urgent tasks confronting Gen. David Petraeus is also one of the least glamorous: reforming Afghanistan's corrupt and ineffective police.

BY RONALD E. NEUMANN | JUNE 25, 2010

It doesn't grab headlines the way a public spat between a commanding general and the White House, or reports that contractors are paying off Taliban insurgents, can.

But the unglamorous business of reforming Afghanistan's police may be among the most important challenges for the U.S. mission right now. There are, of course, other urgent tasks that will confront Gen. David Petraeus when he takes charge in Kabul. Foreign forces must push back the insurgency to buy time. The Afghan Army must grow in size and proficiency, and the Afghan government must improve. But it is the police who must secure the population. Without effective police, the U.S. Marines in Marjah will continue to be stuck in a small area, unable to deploy elsewhere in force without risking the security they have fought for. New plans for securing Kandahar likewise must include effective contributions from Afghan police. Unfortunately, the police are the weakest link in the security forces.

The U.S. approach to the Afghan police has been fraught with problems. Following years of drift  in which the effort was left to others, serious police funding began only in 2007, after Lt. Gen. Karl Eikenberry, then the top U.S. commander in Kabul, and I recommended a substantial increase. At the time, as U.S ambassador to Afghanistan, I warned in telegrams and in conversations with senior officials -- including Deputy Defense Secretary Gordon England, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, and President George W. Bush himself -- that the additional money would be wasted without sufficient trainers. But my concerns went unanswered. The State Department fought with the military over whether the force was being too militarized for proper policing. The reality was that it remained ineffective in either realm.

On my recent visit to Afghanistan, I saw decisions moving in the right direction, but with critical dangers ahead. The United States and its Afghan partner are focused on first building a paramilitary force because, as then Interior Minister Hanif Atmar told me, Afghans and internationals alike view securing Afghan civilians as an urgent priority. That requires advisors with military skills, such as patrolling, defense against ambushes and roadside bombs, and so on. Yet a paramilitary emphasis should not exclude policing skills, such as criminal investigation, forensic science, and protecting evidence, that are critical to the longer-term formation of a functioning justice system.

That means that civilian mentors and trainers, not just military advisors, are needed. There are real differences between how military and police organizations build ties with the communities they secure. Senior police officers need to lean policing skills. The NATO training command in Kabul, a joint U.S. and NATO operation, knows this and wants more civilians as well as military trainers. But neither the right balance nor the numbers of military and civilian advisors are present. Police trainers of all kinds are at only 59 percent of required numbers. Despite impressive work by Canadian and Italian gendarmerie trainers, the NATO effort is not meeting its goals. The United States must not repeat the mistake of past years by leaving a critical hole while waiting for others.

Chris Hondros/Getty Images

 

Ronald E. Neumann is president of the American Academy of Diplomacy and was U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan from 2005 to 2007. He served in Iraq from 2004 to 2005. He is author of The Other War: Winning and Losing in Afghanistan.

DEPETRIS@WORDPRESS.COM

10:05 PM ET

June 25, 2010

Quality is key

If U.S. forces are expected to follow President Obama's July 2011 timeline for withdrawal, an independent and transparent Afghan police force needs to be built up in order to salvage its successes on the battlefield. Unfortunately, I see no light at the end of the tunnel; the Afghan Police Force is one of the most corrupt institutions in Afghanistan today, and there are disturbing examples of policemen pillaging villages and stealing from civilians. This is one of the central reasons why so many Afghans (especially in the South) are reluctant to cooperate with the police in counterinsurgency operations. In fact, in some areas (like in Kandahar), there are reports that citizens actually prefer the Taliban over the ANP. Thankfully, the Afghan National Army does not have such a bad reputation, although they too are experiencing a variety of problems (like drug use, desertion, and mismanagement).

The problem, in my view, has been Washington's obsession in numbers. There seems to be a universal belief that Afghanistan can be turned around- and Taliban influence can be contained- if the ANP reaches a certain number, like 100,00 or 150,000. But all of the policemen in the world will not help Afghanistan become a semi-stable country is the quality is below average.

The United States suffers from this very same problem. In some American cities, citizens trust gangs and other criminal organization's more than police officers, because gang's protect the neighborhoods and police officers are viewed as predatory (whether this is actually true is up for debate). Afghanistan is in much the same situation. In places like Marjah and Kandahar, the civilian authorities in Kabul have not delivered, so why should they be trusted?

It's an old saying, but quality should overtake quantity. General David Petraeus and his staff- specifically Lt. Gen. William Caldwell- should begin to stress the quality of Afghanistan's police officers rather than the quantity. Personally, I'd take a few officers who are professional and good at what they do than dozens who have no idea how to start a criminal investigation or file a civilian complaint.

But Afghanistan is a much different society. Is it possible to breed a new generation of Afghan officers without tribal or ethnic loyalties? Is it even realistic to raise such a question when U.S. troops are expected to leave next year? Sitting here, I don't have the answer, nor do I profess to have the answer. And I'm not sure that Gen. Petraeus has the answer either. Perhaps if we had more than a year, Petraeus and his staff could figure the answer out without the White House and the Congress breathing down his neck.

http://www.depetris.wordpress.com

 

SURESH SHETH

9:40 AM ET

June 27, 2010

Petraeus' bigger problem is Kayani's Pakistan

Fixing Afghan police is nothing compared to fixing Kayani’s Pakistan for General Petraeus. But his close relationship with Pakistani General Kayani can very well doom the chances for success of US Afghan mission.

Defense Secretary Robert Gates justified Pakistan’s terrorist connections, alluding to a “deficit of trust” between Washington, DC and Islamabad. Mr Gates also said that there was “some justification” for Pakistan's concerns about past American policies. Gen David Patraeus, rushed in with an apologia for his Pakistani friends, by claiming that while Faisal was inspired by militants in Pakistan, he did not necessarily have contacts with the militants which is proven to be wrong. Both Adm Mike Mullen and Gen Patraeus fancy themselves to be “soldier statesmen” a la Gen Dwight Eisenhower. Adm Mullen has visited Pakistan 15 times and Gen Patraeus no less frequently. Both evidently have high opinions of their abilities to persuade Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani to crack down on the Haqqani network in North Waziristan and the Taliban’s Mullah Omar-led Quetta Shura.

All American officers in southern Afghanistan know that they can not prevail in the ongoing military operations, unless Taliban strongholds across the Durand Line in North Waziristan and Baluchistan are neutralized. Adm Mullen and Gen Patraeus evidently do not want to acknowledge that hard options have to be considered if their soldiers are not to die at the hands of radicals, armed and trained across the Durand Line. This is where rubber meets the road for the famed General.

According to Afghan Taliban commanders’ interviews with Matt Waldman, a Harvard Professor, the Pakistani ISI orchestrates, sustains and strongly influences the Taliban insurgency movement. The Afghan Taliban commanders also say that ISI gives sanctuary to both Taliban and Haqqani groups, and provides huge support in terms of training, funding, munitions, and supplies. In the words of these Afghan Taliban commanders, this is ‘as clear as the sun in the sky’.

Pakistani government issued its usual denials just as it had denied umpteen times the existence of Mullah Mohammed Omar’s ‘Quetta Shura Taliban (QST)’ in the provincial capital Quetta of Baluchistan. But General Stanley McChrystal confirmed the existence of QST in his report to President Obama in August, 2009 as follows: ‘Quetta Shura Taliban (QST) based in Quetta , the provincial capital of Baluchistan, is the No. 1 threat to US/NATO mission in Afghanistan . At the operational level, the Quetta Shura conducts a formal campaign review each winter, after which Mullah Mohammed Omar (Afghan Taliban Chief) announces his guidance and intent for the coming year‘.

Unless and until Gates, Mullen and Petraeus trio is willing to accept that Pakistan is a ‘problem’ rather than a ‘solution’, US Afghan mission will continue to suffer.

 

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June 29, 2010

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