first verdict on Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was rendered late Tuesday
night, Feb. 1, when thousands of protesters forced the autocrat to vow not to run for
office again. The president, they chanted, had to go. On Friday, Feb. 11, after some prevarication, Mubarak appeared to have finally taken the point.
From police brutality to persecution of minorities, from the arrests of
journalists to the suppression of political dissent, Mubarak's Egypt has been a
textbook police state. For 30 years, anger and frustration brewed among his
subjects, bottled up and sealed with fear.
Over the past three decades, Mubarak did not personally torture alleged criminals or beat protesters in
the street. But as Joe Stork, deputy director of Human Rights Watch's Middle
East and North Africa division, told me from Cairo, Mubarak's repression was
simply "delegated to the Ministry of Interior and various security services. At
the end of the day, he's the final address for all this." As we bid farewell to a dictator, here's a look back at his ugly history of repression and cruelty.
* Updated Feb. 11.
EMMANUEL DUNAND/AFP/Getty Images
Police brutality: Egypt's protests
kicked into high gear, not so coincidentally, on Jan. 25, the country's
official "Police Day" celebration. For three decades of Mubarak's rule, the
police have acted as the regime's primary implementers of repression: Thousands
of Egyptians have been arbitrarily detained, arrested, beaten, and held without
charge by the police for trumped-up offenses. According to a Jan. 31 Human
Rights Watch (HRW) report, the security
forces have targeted everyone from "political dissidents, Islamists allegedly
engaged in terrorist activity, and ordinary citizens suspected of links to
criminal activity or who simply look suspicious." Last June, a young man named
Khaled Said was beaten to death by policemen after he refused to show his
identity card upon entering an Internet cafe in Alexandria.
Many attribute the police's
misconduct to the country's emergency law, which has been in place almost
continuously since the assassination of Mubarak's predecessor, Anwar Sadat, in
1981 and gives Egypt's Interior Ministry and State Security Investigative
Service (SSIS) the ability to detain anyone without charge. Diplomatic cables
released by WikiLeaks and written as recently as last year show that
American officials also pointed to the police force's relative
unprofessionalism. "Police brutality in Egypt against
common criminals is routine and pervasive," one January
2009 cable reads. "Contacts describe the
police using force to extract confessions from criminals as a daily event,
resulting from poor training and understaffing." The account goes on to say
that "security forces still resort to torturing Muslim Brotherhood activists
who are deemed to pose a political threat."
the past week's protests have grown, so too has the police abuse. Many now
believe that members of the police, dressed in
civilian clothing, were at least partially responsible for the looting during
the early protests and Wednesday, Feb. 2's violent attacks against pro-democracy
MOHAMMED ABED/AFP/Getty Images
Torture: Once in the
custody of the security forces, prisoners are often subject to "beatings,
electric shocks, suspension in painful positions, forced standing for long
periods, water-boarding, as well as rape and threatening to rape victims and
their families," HRW reports. Over the last
two decades, the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights has followed 460 torture
including 125 that led to
death between 2000 and 2009 alone. Since 1992, 73 people have been
Torture is widely used to extract
confessions to all variety of crimes. Most infamous are the instances of "renditions,"
in which Egyptian authorities have interrogated alleged terrorists and enemy
combatants captured by U.S. forces using methods that would be illegal on
American soil. Mubarak's newly appointed vice president, Omar Suleiman, a
former chief of the intelligence service, oversaw dozens of such renditions,
according to Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Ron Suskind. "When [the United
States] wanted someone to be tortured, we'd send him to Egypt to have them
tortured," Suskind recently told ABC News.
Accused Islamic radicals aren't the
only ones subjected to such treatment in Egypt. According to a February 2010
diplomatic cable released by
WikiLeaks, in murder cases, "police will round up 40 to 50 suspects from a
neighborhood and hang them by their arms from the ceiling for weeks until
someone confesses." A separate cable from 2009 notes
that "NGO contacts estimate there are literally hundreds of torture incidents
every day in Cairo police stations alone."
Victims of torture have little
redress. Many alleged criminals are tried under a military court system, and as
such, have no access to the usual protections of a civilian court. Even in the
regular judicial system, prosecutions are arduous and still subject to pressure
from the regime. In 2009, a diplomatic cable reported that
the Egyptian government, along with Mubarak's ruling National Democratic Party,
was "flood[ing] the courts with suits against political enemies, using tactics
such as fabricating assault charges against a journalist and filing a profanity
case against a novelist."
KHALED DESOUKI/AFP/Getty Images
Political repression: Since 1981,
Mubarak has officially won four presidential terms with overwhelming popular
support. But the first three of those were uncontested; the fourth was slightly
freer -- at least there were other
candidates on the ballot, including opposition leader Ayman Nour -- but still
not a fair contest: The largest opposition group, the Muslim Brotherhood, was,
and still is, outlawed.
elections are only the beginning. It's also nearly impossible to form a
political party, much less run for office as an independent. Parties that want
to put forth candidates for the presidency
have to have existed for at least five years and hold 3 percent of the
seats in the People's Assembly and the Shura Council, the Egyptian equivalents
of the U.S. House and Senate, respectively. Independents need 250 signatures from the
ruling-party controlled Parliament to get on the ballot.
if a candidate manages to successfully jump through all of these hoops, the
Political Parties Commission, which is responsible for registering parties, has
broad authority to close
offices, seize funds, or refuse to recognize a party in the first place --
meaning that in practice, elections are only as competitive as Mubarak wants
them to be. Political opposition parties, as well as civil society groups and
NGOs, are also targeted by government moles; a 2010 U.S. State Department cable released by
WikiLeaks claimed that the "Interior Ministry uses the SSIS to monitor and
sometimes infiltrate the political opposition and civil society, and to
suppress political opposition through arrests, harassment and intimidation."
And when all else fails, Mubarak
always has the threat of Islamic extremism to fall back on. The Muslim
Brotherhood, historically Mubarak's only significant political challenger, is
also his favorite bogeyman: Egyptian security forces have a long history of arresting the
group's members, and Mubarak has routinely painted a picture of the group as a
violent and extreme Islamist group to win aid from the West, which needs
Egypt's moderate voice in Israeli-Arab relations.
MARWAN NAAMANI/AFP/Getty Images
Free Speech: Everything you
need to know about press freedom in Egypt you could have learned in the last
week. As opposition to the Mubarak regime grew in the streets, the government
tried every means available to keep the media quiet. Security forces arrested, attacked, and
threatened journalists. The government cut off most television frequencies,
even temporarily shutting down the news
station Al Jazeera. Cell phone networks were turned off, and the entire
country's Internet went black.
Even when the regime has been under
less pressure, journalists have often been arrested, threatened, and detained.
A 1996 press law makes
defamation, insult, and libel punishable with jail sentences. In recent years,
as opposition figures have turned to the Internet to organize, the regime has
cracked down on bloggers. In 2008, for example, blogger Mohamed Refaat was arrested
for months after authorities claimed that he had incited a demonstration- even
though he had never mentioned the protest in his writing. On Thursday, Al Jazeera and other media
reported further blogger arrests, part of a broader media crackdown.
Demonstrations have also been effectively curtailed: "Although the Egyptian
constitution protects the right to freedom of association, the government has
used a complex set of interlocking laws, decrees, and emergency powers to stifle
the exercise that right," explained a 2005 HRW report.
Academia isn't safe, either: Since
the state controls promotions, appointments, and university administration, a
subtle self-censorship prevails. Professors have been fired, publicly
condemned, or even physically assaulted if they stray from a government line.
In one high-profile case in 1995, a court found Nasr Hamed Abu
guilty of apostasy, forcing him to flee the country. Student leaders have faced
similar consequences when they organize.
KHALED DESOUKI/AFP/Getty Images
Women and Minorities: Anyone watching
the past week's protests may have noticed the lack of women on the streets.
While gender equality is a concern in plenty of countries -- even plenty
without repressive regimes -- there are reasons to be particularly worried
about women's rights in Mubarak's Egypt, where reports of sexual abuse,
harassment, and assault against women by government security forces are
rampant. A report published by
the Egyptian Center for Women's Rights in 2008 noted that more than four-fifths
of all Egyptian women had suffered public sexual humiliation -- everything from
groping to full-blown assault. Legal inequality doesn't help; women have to
work through an arduous process to file for
divorce, for example, while men can do it without ever setting foot in court.
Gays and other minorities have also
been targets of persecution in Egypt in recent years. In 2004, HRW documented the mass arrest
of men accused of homosexuality. And while homosexuality itself isn't illegal, homosexual
acts are, and detention is often justified under the broad laws governing "moral
conduct" throughout society. Tensions between the police and the Egyptian
Christian community, meanwhile, have boiled over several times in recent years,
most recently in January, when Christians clashed with the police
after an officer shot a Christian on a train. (Islam is the official state
though free practice of religion is legally allowed.)
Finally and perhaps most
disturbingly, are reports of the regime's treatment of street children, of
which there are an estimated 5,200 in Cairo. In
2001, HRW estimated that 11,000
street children had been arrested and frequently detained for weeks in
unsanitary and dangerous conditions, "often with adult criminal detainees who
abuse them." The children, the report reads, are "and denied adequate food,
water, bedding, and medical care." This is how the father of Egypt, as Vice President
Suleiman called Mubarak today,
treats his children.
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