It Takes a Network

The new front line of modern warfare.

BY STANLEY A. MCCHRYSTAL | MARCH/APRIL 2011

SHORTLY AFTER TAKING COMMAND of the JSOTF, I visited one of our teams in Mosul, the largest city in northern Iraq, which was at that time under the able command of then-Maj. Gen. David Petraeus and the troops of the 101st Airborne Division. Although Mosul was still less violent than some other areas of the country, it was clear that al Qaeda was organizing to aggressively contest control of the city -- and, from there, all of northern Iraq.

Our special operations force there was small: about 15 men, supported by a single intelligence analyst. They were set up in a corner of a larger base, operating quietly from a modest white trailer. Although they coordinated with the military forces and civilian (particularly intelligence) agencies on the base, operational security procedures and cultural habits limited the true synergy of their effort against AQI and the fight for the city that lay outside the base's gates.

Moreover, the few antennas that adorned the trailer's roof were unable to pump enough classified information between them and our task force headquarters (or other teams in Iraq) with any timeliness. It wasn't a marooned outpost, thanks to the remarkable team that manned the effort. But it felt like one.

That night, on the plane back to Baghdad, I drew an hourglass on a yellow legal pad. The top half of the hourglass represented the team in Mosul; the other represented our task force HQ. They met at just one narrow point. At the top, our team in Mosul was accumulating knowledge and experience, yet lacked both the bandwidth and intelligence manpower to transmit, receive, or digest enough information either to effectively inform, or benefit from, its more robust task force headquarters. All across the country -- in Tikrit, Ramadi, Fallujah, Diyala -- we were waging similarly compartmentalized campaigns. It made our hard fight excruciatingly difficult, and potentially doomed.

The sketch from that evening -- early in a war against an enemy that would only grow more complex, capable, and vicious -- was the first step in what became one of the central missions in our effort: building the network. What was hazy then soon became our mantra: It takes a network to defeat a network.

But fashioning ourselves to counter our enemy's network was easier said than done, especially because it took time to learn what, exactly, made a network different. As we studied, experimented, and adjusted, it became apparent that an effective network involves much more than relaying data. A true network starts with robust communications connectivity, but also leverages physical and cultural proximity, shared purpose, established decision-making processes, personal relationships, and trust. Ultimately, a network is defined by how well it allows its members to see, decide, and effectively act. But transforming a traditional military structure into a truly flexible, empowered network is a difficult process.

Our first attempt at a network was to physically create one. We convinced the agencies partnered with the JSOTF to join us in a big tent at one of our bases so that we could share and process the intelligence in one location. Operators and analysts from multiple units and agencies sat side by side as we sought to fuse our intelligence and operations efforts -- and our cultures -- into a unified effort. This may seem obvious, but at the time it wasn't. Too often, intelligence would travel up the chain in organizational silos -- and return too slowly for those in the fight to take critical action.

It was clear, though, that in this fusion process we had created only a partial network: Each agency or operation had a representative in the tent, but that was not enough. The network needed to expand to include everyone relevant who was operating within the battlespace. Incomplete or unconnected networks can give the illusion of effectiveness, but are like finely crafted gears whose movement drives no other gears.

This insight allowed us to move closer to building a true network by connecting everyone who had a role -- no matter how small, geographically dispersed, or organizationally diverse they might have been -- in a successful counterterrorism operation. We called it, in our shorthand, F3EA: find, fix, finish, exploit, and analyze. The idea was to combine analysts who found the enemy (through intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance); drone operators who fixed the target; combat teams who finished the target by capturing or killing him; specialists who exploited the intelligence the raid yielded, such as cell phones, maps, and detainees; and the intelligence analysts who turned this raw information into usable knowledge. By doing this, we speeded up the cycle for a counterterrorism operation, gleaning valuable insights in hours, not days.

But it took a while to get there. The process started as a linear, relatively inefficient chain. Out of habit (and ignorance), each element gave the next group the minimum amount of information needed for it to be able to complete its task. Lacking sufficient shared purpose or situational awareness, each component contributed far less to the outcome than it could or should have.

This made us, in retrospect, painfully slow and uninformed. The linear process created what we called "blinks" -- time delays and missed junctures where information was lost or slowed when filtered down the line. In the early days of the effort, we had multiple experiences where information we captured could not be exploited, analyzed, or reacted to quickly enough -- giving enemy targets time to flee. A blink often meant a missed opportunity in an unforgiving fight.

The key was to reduce the blinks, and we did so by attempting to create a shared consciousness between each level of the counterterrorism teams. We started by sharing information: Video streamed by the drones was sent to all the participants -- not just the reconnaissance and surveillance analysts controlling them. When an operation was set in motion, information was continuously communicated to and from the combat team, so that intelligence specialists miles away could alert the team on the ground about what they could expect to find of value at the scene and where it might be. Intelligence recovered on the spot was instantly pushed digitally from the target to analysts who could translate it into actionable data while the operators would still be clearing rooms and returning fire. This knowledge was immediately cycled back through the loop to our intelligence and surveillance forces following the results of the raid in real time.

The intelligence recovered on one target in, say, Mosul, might allow for another target to be found, fixed upon, and finished in Baghdad, or even Afghanistan. Sometimes, finding just one initial target could lead to remarkable results: The network sometimes completed this cycle three times in a single night in locations hundreds of miles apart -- all from the results of the first operation. As our operations in Iraq and Afghanistan intensified, the number of operations conducted each day increased tenfold, and both our precision and success rate also rose dramatically.

Although we got our message out differently than did our enemies, both organizations increasingly shared basic attributes that define an effective network. Decisions were decentralized and cut laterally across the organization. Traditional institutional boundaries fell away and diverse cultures meshed. The network expanded to include more groups, including unconventional actors. It valued competency above all else -- including rank. It sought a clear and evolving definition of the problem and constantly self-analyzed, revisiting its structure, aims, and processes, as well as those of the enemy. Most importantly, the network continually grew the capacity to inform itself.

From its birth in Iraq, both the actual network -- and the hard-earned appreciation for that organizational model -- increasingly expanded to Afghanistan, especially as our nation's focus turned toward that theater. When I became the commander there, we set about building a robust communications architecture and worked to establish relationships with key actors, moving frequently around the country to instill the shared consciousness and purpose necessary for a networked modern army. But that was only the first part of the task. As we learned to build an effective network, we also learned that leading that network -- a diverse collection of organizations, personalities, and cultures -- is a daunting challenge in itself. That struggle remains a vital, untold chapter of the history of a global conflict that is still under way.

PAULA BRONSTEIN/Getty Images

 SUBJECTS: IRAQ, MILITARY, AFGHANISTAN
 

Retired Gen. Stanley A. McChrystal led the Joint Special Operations Command from 2003 to 2008 and served as commander of U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan in 2009 and 2010. He is currently writing his memoirs and a senior fellow at Yale University's Jackson Institute for Global Affairs.

COFFIE

11:01 PM ET

February 21, 2011

Networks.

It is arguably one of the best essays I have read so far. I am pleasantly inspired and surprised by the insight that it shows. Okay, not that surprised... I wish I could see this level of determined analysis on more than one level. He is probably going to be a good teacher.

 

CRAWLER.0310

10:24 PM ET

February 27, 2011

well written/ could have been well played

I had the honor of working next to the Gen. I would sit in on his briefs and daily, this man's single goal in life was how to make what we were doing better. He did not care if you were happy with what he was doing, what mattered to him was that our input, output and performance was top notch at all times. He did not lay in his bed or hide in his bunker. He rarely slept, always was moving through the battle space and always checkin on who was in need of replacement or change. He more than anyone, understood the network we were after and his team of loyal men understood it as well. Their goal was to win, win legally, win violently. but to win. He knew who to send where and he did it. Anyone that disagrees with his path chosen, does not know the man well enough to judge. I too at times questioned his methods but given time, they always had been thought through and worked as well as the ground force executed it. To have a man of this caliber be forced out due to some honest truths spoken by some of his team is a travesty. He will be missed and I hope not for long. I believe he has the insight to become a political leader and help our sleeping country realize that we are not the bad guys, we do understand culture and cater to it and that is exactly how our country was formed, founded, and grew into what it is. This is nothing new. This is the reawakening of the old. Don't be fooled into passive behavior. We need to apologize to no one. Look at all the American grave markers all over the world. We have helped and will always help when others are down. Now we need to stop being beat by our own media who will make any story seem like we are the ones who should say sorry for what we have done. I was in a plane on 911 and looked down at New York and though I didn't know what I was looking at felt that something had changed and the world did. We did not start that. We adapted to that to survive as all cultures do. The Gen. is a great man and I hope he continues to teach us about his lessons learned during his many years in combat leadership.

 

HENRY86

11:08 PM ET

February 21, 2011

work

http://wiki.laptop.org/go/OLPC_Afghanistan

 

JDM307

2:07 AM ET

February 22, 2011

Interesting perspective

This essay is interesting in that it describes an effort that for all its success was limited to an extremely small (and disproportionately resourced) line of operation. The author portrays this as an inclusive endeavor while it was decidedly not inclusive in many respects. My experience in working with the General's Task Force is that it was the most difficult organization to work with in theater and it only functioned as a network if you or your organization were willing to completely subordinate yourself, your resources and your mission to his very narrow line of operation. Most of the time his line of operations, while very important, was not the primary or most important line in the country or region. In the end establishing the Iraqi government as legitimate and enabling its organs to function as designed proved to be the decisive operation. Resources and expertise for Regional and Provincial efforts to pressure networks and establish local governance were found wanting as these limited resources and capabilities were overwhelmingly pooled in support of the General's network efforts to the almost complete exclusion of the rest of the important efforts throughout the country. I can honestly say that regional efforts were significantly degraded due to the overwhelming amount of collection and analysis assets that went to supporting this one effort in both Iraq and Afghanistan. The point of my post is not to say that the General's former unit does not have a vital role to play and that his idea of the network did not work or is not important; just that I argue the US security apparatus needs to balance its resources and network development to deal with the larger specter of both regional and global threats. Networks that rely on huge unsustainable budgets and do not include in a real way our local and regional partners might not achieve the desired effect. I would argue for the formation of another type of network that would complement the General's; it would be composed of longterm regional experts who would over time develop lasting relationships with local populations and organizations of regional influence. That being said an article by McChrystal that I would greatly look forward to reading would outline his lessons learned in leading in a network/inter-agency environment. I think his experience in this realm would be very interesting and useful for officers in the military and network managers world wide. Thanks

 

SCHWEIG

2:24 AM ET

February 22, 2011

Revisit FMFM-1

There appears to be several parallels between this essay and FMFM-1, Warfighting.
There doesn’t appear to be new concepts, just different packaging.

 

DARIOUS

3:55 AM ET

February 22, 2011

Follows beautifully from _Illicit_

Would anyone have other readings on how to tackle decentralized 'network' style operations?

One of the take-a-ways from Moises Naim's _Illicit: How Smugglers, Traffickers and Copycats are Hijacking the Global Economy_ is that regardless of the cargo (narcotics, organs, slaves/humans, DVDs et al) the underlying -network- of agents, methadology, protocols, etc is the same.

Now that is was pointed out to me, it seems really, in hindsight, that you can add warfare to the same list.

 

COFFIE

11:41 AM ET

February 22, 2011

a possible book

Depends on what you look for. I enjoyed reading "The Network Challenge" by Kleindorfer et el. at UPenn. It covers essays on network configurations from multiple authors. Its authors covered business relations to engineering management to social network analysis. I would recommend it as a starting point, just to describe the general perspectives behind networks.

Of course, you might want to read something more specific. For me, some of the language in the current article reminds me of some computer modeling terms, say graph theory and agent-based modeling.

 

CLF215

1:58 PM ET

February 25, 2011

Look into the writings of

Look into the writings of John Arquilla. He and David Rondfelt coined some of the earliest "network" discussions while at RAND in the 90s.

 

INTER01

11:31 AM ET

February 28, 2011

Possible Books

The following may be useful

Ashes to Ashes, by Dale Andrade. Andrade provides insight on the Phoenix Program during the Vietnam war. The book addresses the importance of the VietCong Infrastructure (VCI) "network" to the insurgency in era that used human resources in the absence of high-tech tele-communications such as the internet, cell and sat-phones, and encrypted radio comms.

A question of Command, by Mark Moyer

Learning to Eat Soup With a Knife, by John A. Nagl

Additionally, articles that discuss Mission Command

 

SAUCYMUGWUMP

2:05 PM ET

February 22, 2011

Big difference between this war and conventional wars

Excellent article, as one would expect from someone involved in every aspect of the fight in Afghanistan.

However, it leaves out one important point, the reason why his former enemy is so different from, say, Germany in WWII. Germans were excellent fighters and were well-trained. They knew that failure to follow orders would be brutally supressed. But in the final analysis, they were only soldiers. Eventually they faced insurmountable odds and many surrendered in large groups.

In Afghanistan, each and every soldier believes fervently in his mission; they believe in Islam and jihad. This is completely different than any enemy the West has ever faced. Sure, in WWII there were SS groups which fought to the death, but this was the exception. Even in fights against Communists, often true believers in their cause, prisoners were still taken in large groups. How often are Islamic fighters taken prisoners in large groups? In conventional battles, we only need to reduce the enemy's units to a point where they became severely inefficient, but with true believers, we need to kill each and every one.

 

WESTERNSKEPTIC

6:53 PM ET

February 24, 2011

Not necessarily

It is impossible to kill every member of an insurgency. All you can do is eliminate the conditions that spawn the insurgency as best as you can, and build a network of informants so robust and expansive that you can stop attacks before they even happen. The counter-insurgency itself must be a flexible network, ready to react in many different ways in a short period of time. This is impossible with a top-down hierarchy; guerilla fighters don't have to ask for orders before they shoot.

For great insight on counter-insurgency strategy, I highly recommend the writings of Dr. David Kilcullen.

 

CARL

12:51 AM ET

March 9, 2011

Saucymugwump: We did fight

Saucymugwump: We did fight an enemy who refused to surrender in large groups. We had to kill almost every one. It was during WWII also. They were the Japanese. We defeated them thoroughly, but it wasn't easy.

Most everything we face today, we have faced at some time in our history.

 

ALIYU KATSINA

6:34 AM ET

March 20, 2011

Hey Saucy... I've a better

Hey Saucy... I've a better alternative to the one you proposed. Instead of killing each believer, including the innocent and children, which I believe amounts to crime against humanity, why don't you explore the possibility of eliminating all the conditions that spawned terrorism? The they-hate-our-values-and-freedoms type of rationalisations we often heard proved lame and cheap. No body actually cares about this. But we may need to ask why?

 

HURRICANEWARNING

2:28 PM ET

February 22, 2011

for better understanding

If you want to read about the "network" further, and in particular the way McChrystal brought Iraq back from the brink go buy "Task Force Black". great book.

 

RAYFIN3

3:28 PM ET

February 23, 2011

brink?

Last I checked, Iraq was still on the brink (if not in the brink). You might want to revisit the definition of 'success' in Iraq.

 

BURRCDR

3:49 PM ET

February 22, 2011

Process not structure

The difficulties in adapting to this different way of enemy warfighting dempnstrate the fundamental weakness of the American military. We are incapable of adapting, believing that what got us to victory before will do so again, until proven otherwise. Bureaucracy, deferrence to rank rather than knowledge, and limited communication capabilities are all to blame. The first 2 of these problems can only be changed by a shift in organizational culture. That may take a generation or more to fix. What can be fixed more readily is the sorry state of affairs for military communication links. Awhile back there was an article in Proceedings with a title something like "Acelerate your life, decelerate your access." If I remember it had something to do with how the young people joining the navy today are accustomed to instantaneous communication capability but are signing up with a company that struggles constantly with bandwidth limitations and antiquated com systems. What does it take to get the bosses to realize that bandwidth today is as relevant as beans or bullets were to earlier generations?

 

SUPERGRAN

2:23 AM ET

February 23, 2011

Networks

Totally agree with BRRCDR, the US thinking is still glued to an outdated paradigm, and has not adapted to the modern networked world, hence its military thinking, its political and legal system, and its media landscape are all outdated. How did Facebook become so popular and worth so much in such a short time- more than Boeing, FFS ? Open your eyes and your minds, US! The same networking system was used in Vietnam-and the US lost- did they not learn anything?

 

Z1739

11:44 AM ET

February 25, 2011

Networks on networks

First, if you want to read about networks in a defence form, go to the US DoD Command and Control Research Program website and download any number of books and articles dealing with military networks. Also consult John Arquilla's work on networks from several books.

Second, it's time for intelligent commenters to get smart on science... and math. The challenge for any counterinsurgent force to "out-network" an insurgent network is the same challenge for that same force to "out-system" an insurgent system. This means applying Ashby's Law of Requisite Variety (from cybernetics.) We must have more variety in our behaviors than the enemy's in order to "control" (i.e. F3EA) the enemy. That observation informs us why it takes an enormous amount of effort and information to accomplish this for even a narrow band of counterinurgent activity - as someone above has already perceptively commented. The implication of this follow-on observation is that the US has a force mix inversely proportionate to what it needs to conduct irregular warfare (e.g. counterinsurgency.) The US needs far more integrated sensors/interpreters (of the HUMAN variety) than shooters. The critical key is system/network integration, not merely quantity.

And here's the kicker. Such integration, the breaking down of institutional and behavioral barriers, means "de-compartmentalization" of security efforts - precisely the opposite direction of American security programs today. One wonders what the good General, in charge of so many security compartments at the time, thinks of that.

 

UNCONVENTIONAL

2:53 PM ET

February 25, 2011

Unconventional

GEN McChrystal is exactly right. And what is remarkable about his conclusions is that they come from an unlikely character, i.e. the former commander of the most kinetic unit in the U.S. Armed Forces. GEN McChrystal is simply an unlikely advocate for network/population-centric warfare. To the conventional military faithful, he is indeed a heretic in Church, so to speak. His insights are gained from hard-fought battlefield experience and knowledge. But as can be evidenced from the comments following this essay, such insights also threaten the intellectual assumptions and underpinnings which belie the enormous, expensive and unecessary modern conventional U.S. military from where such critics hail.

And for those of us willing to read between the lines of this essay, we can glean some important facts about the past, current and future operating environment and how our armed forces once created for a cold war conflict with the former Soviet Union are simply not trained, organized or equipped to do counterinsurgency, foreign internal defense, and population-centric warfare. A U.S. military which is adept at studying failure and "learning lessons" remains steadfast in avoiding the core lessons of population-centric warfare which still haunt us from not-so-recent losses in places Vietnam and Nicaragua and persist from our current failings in Iraq and Afghanistan. In short, our armed forces are a sledge hammer of a tool -- and it's hard to convince the populous to trust and like you when you are swinging a sledge hammer at them. As our nation continues to buckle under the weight of its own debt and decades of misguided foreign policy, we circle the drain of failed empires. And if we are honest, that debt was incurred to fuel the world's largest and most politically active military industrial complex, something about which President (and former 5 star general) Dwight Eisenhower so prophetically warned us more than 60 years ago as he spoke for the last time as President. As long as our elected Members of Congress and the executive branch allow the military industrial complex to control the narrative and keep us addicted to the corrupting influence of the defense lobby, "jobs in home districts" and, of course, cheap oil, we'll continue to avoid such important lessons and fail to organize, train and equip America's Armed Forces to properly conduct network and/or population-centric warfare.

 

PEOTRE

4:07 PM ET

February 25, 2011

Enemies

McChrystal could have won his battles more easily by reflecting on what fits into the definition of "our enemies." Certainly, they are not my enemies, nor are they the enemies of America. They are the enemies that have been defined by policymakers, and the crafting of these policies is not something Americans are privy to. McChrystal is operating in his own very insular world of a military man. Outside of that world, many of his statements and attitudes come over as grotesque characterizations. What an incredible embarrassment.

To "win," McChrystal must redefine his objectives. He would best "win" by renouncing his role in the Middle East conflicts, and preparing to testify before the many war crimes tribunals that will undoubtedly spring up in the aftermath of America's decade-long debacle in the Middle East. He ought more often to have pictured himself before such venues than to have worried about establishing networks to kill "our enemies."

 

KEVINSD

1:36 PM ET

February 26, 2011

The trillion dollar delusion

I know McChrystal means well, but articles like this, strangely, remind me of ones I read by experts in the old Soviet Union or Eastern Bloc nations about how their central planning authorities were finally on the cusp of creating their own Silicon Valleys. The technology used by the Taliban might be new, but the problems faced by US forces attempting counterinsurgency are as old as the hills. In a nutshell, there is just no way people in the US military will ever care about Afghanistan in the same way as people who will spend their entire lives there. We're visitors. They know that.

Given that the cost of the US military deployment is basically 5-10 times the GDP of the whole country, this conflict is going to continue until the money runs out. If the US wants a favorable outcome, however, it needs to realize that it's betting everything on the success of Karzai and his government (ie. the people who are native to the country and have similar stakes--if, at this point, they still do).

 

S P DUDLEY

8:18 PM ET

February 27, 2011

Missing the forest for the trees

McCrystal's article spells out the front-line actions of modern counter-insurgency, though those who fought in places like Vietnam already understood this type of network-centric approach (though in a more primitive form). It does ring true that to tackle such opponents our military organizations have to be more "flat" with initiative resting with company and platoon commanders in the field, and not in far away command posts. There also has to be much, much more effort to field human intelligence and to integrate ourselves with the locals.

Unfortunately all of the progress we can make in Afghanistan is pointless if we let the Taliban have sanctuary in Pakistan. The enemy's not a vapor cloud: they have substance and a center of gravity in Pakistan's northwest frontier. Despite all of the effort we make toward "network-centric" warfare it's pointless unless we cross the border in force, go into where the Taliban's commanders and supporters live, and burn it all down and keep burning until they give up. We'll never win otherwise.

 

GLH330

9:28 PM ET

March 1, 2011

Task Force Black

While some mud is slung and the book is written by a journalist, 'Task Force Black' provides a very informative look into the American and British counter terror operation in Iraq. The stats provided, if accurate, are very impressive and make it clear that forces organized in this manner achieve disproportionate results that cannot be argued with.

I get the feeling that McCyrstal committed the crime of being obsessively focused on results in a conventional organization consumed with process and internal competition.

http://www.amazon.com/Task-Force-Black/dp/1408702649

 

DR. SARDONICUS

10:39 AM ET

March 3, 2011

It Takes Forever (as wished for)

Let’s assume your half Crusader/half Plains Indian politico-military-organized crime network remained up and running despite the best efforts of the West Point/Ivy League Protective Association and its Media/Congressional/Supreme Court/Presidential (oh hell, everybody with money) puppets. Public magical thinking from on high is the in-thing, these days – to replace rational thought which is out of TV fascion (Get it? Fascist and fashion?…).

You, like everyone from President Obama, Gates and etc. on down, have chosen not to declare your victory conditions. You know, those conditions which, if they ever occurred in nonmagic space-time, would allow you to fold up your very, very expensive tentage and wend you quasi-interplanetary way home? “Next war: Mars Then we'll be talking REAL money!” What might those victory conditions be?

Here are a few humble suggestions. Mix and match as you see fit (the more impossible the victory, the better, as far as the power that be are concerned).

Every potential Af-Pak and neighborhood rebel accepts unilateral, unconditional surrender, simultaneously and forever.

You can statistically prove that every leadership element of the opposition network has either been killed or suborned by your own, including all elements as yet unborn.

750,000 Afghan Army, Police and self-defense Militia have their uniformed hands out for American military aid, indefinitely. They even have a stealth jet Air Force, and landlocked though they be, a four-carrier Navy and, of course, Marine Corps. How do you say Semper Fi in Pashto?

A steady flow of minerals, natural gas and opium garner Western bottom lines into the indefinite future (already hard at work on that one).

All Afghans convert into pacifist anarchist Jains. No exceptions, unless they become card-carrying Republicans.

Afghanistan declares its national sport is badminton, instead of mountain/desert/urban warfare against any and all comers and themselves during the brief interims when no outsider is stupid enough to try.

Afghans discover American television and agree to stop thinking ever again, thus adopting the American Way of Life. Afghanistan invades Madagascar in its eternal war against "Sadness."

The country of Pachunistan is ripped from Afghan and Pakistani authority, and all the Taliban go home to run for public office and murder each other in the streets (à la Republic of Ireland, circa 1920s).

All the Pachtuns become organized, Ghandian non-violent protestors (no, that was successfully accomplished around 1912, and sabotaged quite handily by the Brits and the Muslim Brotherhood, for the one and only time in total cooperation with each other). Besides, the Western media wouldn’t be allowed to consider this a “victory.” Not Republican enough...

Pakistan and India have an atomic war, and Afghanistan is sterilized by the resulting radioactive cloud blowing in the wrong direction (the natural one being onto the American Mid-West).

Ok, those are some of my suggestions, off the top of my head. Got any of your own, in this war deliberately set up to go on forever, smart guy? A war profiteer’s wet dream and a tactician's nightmare. Please append the date of projected end-of-conflict and final evacuation of neocolonial forces, from among the four that follow: 2111, 2211, 3111, the next Ice Age.

 

DR. SARDONICUS

10:57 AM ET

March 3, 2011

Oh, I forgot another good one...

Russia, Iran, China and India offer to garrison Afghanistan with a million men each, thus placing a rifle platoon on every water point and mountain top in-country. NATO pumps up its determination to offer an additional million troops, just for fun. They sit there, doing nothing much but terrorizing the countryside, for the next century, then leave. Start over from scratch.