
Iranian politics increasingly resemble a brutal game of musical chairs.
Last month, two former senior politicians who ran against President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in 2009 disappeared into political detention. On Tuesday, March 8, Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani -- a former president and for three decades one of Iran's most powerful politicians -- lost his post as head of the Assembly of Experts, the body of clerics that theoretically supervises the Supreme Leader of Iran and chooses his successor.
Rafsanjani's replacement by Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Mahdavi Kani, an elderly conservative who is bound to a wheelchair, is the culmination of a slow-moving purge by supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who, ironically, acquired the top job at Rafsanjani's instigation in 1989. The apparent intent is to strip other Iranian institutions of any authority, further demoralize Iran's opposition Green Movement, and prove that the Arab uprisings of the past two months will stop at the border with Iran.
It may work -- for now.
However, by silencing so many of those who worked within Iran's complicated political system to institute reforms, Khamenei is narrowing his base of support and increasing the likelihood that Iranians will take to the streets or, at a minimum, boycott future elections and deny the regime any semblance of legitimacy.
"Rafsanjani was the last obstacle to consolidation of power of the hard-liners," says Mehdi Khalaji, an Iran expert at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. His removal is "the last nail in the coffin of reform in Iran."
Rafsanjani, 76, is no democrat. Nicknamed "the shark" for his shrewdness, he was president from 1989 to 1997 while Iran executed opponents at home and abroad. His family amassed great wealth through political connections. But he was also a pragmatist who sought to rebuild the Iranian economy after the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War, relaxed social restrictions on the Iranian people, and tried to improve relations with the United States.
In 2005, he decided to run for president again. One of his sons, Mehdi Hashemi, told me at the time that if his father won, he would turn the job of supreme leader into a ceremonial head of state like "the king of England" and let Iran's elected institutions have full authority. Hashemi also warned, presciently, that "if my father doesn't run, all of the country will be under one group, and after that we won't have any free elections."
Needless to say, such comments did not endear Rafsanjani to Khamenei, who threw his support to Ahmadinejad and may have rigged the first round of elections to ensure that his chosen candidate made it to a second round, in which he beat Rafsanjani.
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