A Moral Adventure

Is Barack Obama as much of a foreign-policy realist as he thinks he is?

BY JAMES TRAUB | MARCH 31, 2011

Late in the summer of 2007, I watched Barack Obama speak to a small crowd gathered in the backyard of a supporter in Salem, New Hampshire. He had a lot to say about foreign affairs. Abroad as at home, he said, we need "a new ethic of mutual responsibility" based on the recognition that "we have a stake in each other." Thus the need to reinvigorate the United Nations, increase foreign aid, and end torture. Afterward I asked him whether that ethic really arose from pragmatic calculation, as opposed to moral duty. "You don't want to oversimplify it," he told me. But it was true, he went on, that U.S. national security was tied to human security across the globe. Failing states produced transnational problems, including massive refugee flows and epidemic disease. And because how people in poor or abused countries felt about their own lives would shape their attitudes toward the West, it behooved the United States to address their suffering. "The hard case," he added, "may be convincing people that we can do anything about it."

I thought back to that conversation when I listened to Obama's March 28 Libya speech. At its core was the president's assertion that "it was not in our national interest" to permit Muammar al-Qaddafi's troops to carry out a massacre in Benghazi. But what was that interest? After all, Defense Secretary Robert Gates had said only the day before that the United States did not have a "vital" interest in Libya, while critics of the mission have ridiculed the notion that Americans should be pouring scarce resources into a civil war in one of the least strategically significant countries in the region. A lot of things, after all, are in America's national interest; why act here?

Obama labored to explain how failing to act in Libya could compromise U.S. interests: A massacre in Benghazi would have "driven thousands of additional refugees across Libya's borders," endangering democratic transitions in neighboring Egypt and Tunisia; emboldened regional autocrats to resist calls for reform; and undermined the credibility of the U.N. Security Council, which had called for action. Those are hardly trivial concerns; but -- as arch-realist Ted Koppel pointed out on Meet the Press on March 27 -- 700,000 people had already fled the violence in Ivory Coast, where the United States had no thoughts of intervening; and inaction in Libya could add only a mite of damage to a Security Council that had watched while Darfur burned.

In short, Obama's application of conventional definitions of national interest wasn't much more convincing than it had been in my conversation with him four years ago. Perhaps, then, the realist critics are right: Obama has embarked on a moral adventure, and quite possibly an ill-fated one, under the flimsy cover of national interest. And it's certainly true that Obama has the "liberal" view -- now shared by neoconservatives -- that American power must at times be used for moral purposes, which is to say for the benefit of others rather than to advance American interests. That is why, right after the assertion about national interest, he added, with uncharacteristic passion, "I refused to let that happen." Obama believes -- like virtually all presidents, to be sure -- that the United States has a singular moral status that carries with it singular obligations. "Some nations" might ignore atrocities abroad, he declared. (Obama is addicted to this particular straw-man device.) "The United States of America is different." Realists cringed.

SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images

 

James Traub is a contributing writer for the New York Times Magazine and author of, most recently, The Freedom Agenda. "Terms of Engagement," his column for ForeignPolicy.com, runs weekly.

ZORRO

2:52 AM ET

April 1, 2011

The Action Fallacy

It is seldom recognized that sometimes it is not right to "do something", but to do nothing.

Earlier I have assumed that GOP would succeed in pressuring Obama into attacking Iran before the next election. I wonder if Libya is enough to establish that Obama too has got bloody hands or if more unproductive slaughter is necessary.

 

DEBSOLO

8:23 AM ET

April 1, 2011

Thanks for this. I

Thanks for this. I particularly like the bit about talk (in Cairo) v. action (in Libya) & Obama's evolution from Rodin thinker to aspiring action hero.

 

GWHH

9:25 AM ET

April 1, 2011

sorry wrong answer

If our president is a realist in FP, I am Elivs Pressey. He a realist from head to tow.

 

COMMONSENSEFP

9:41 AM ET

April 1, 2011

It becomes clear in this

It becomes clear in this article, that the author doesn't understand what IR realism is; or, at best, has a rudimentary conception of it. It's actually most often the case that those who are most keen to criticize realists or realism, both pundits and academics, are those that have the worst grasp on what the term means.

Beyond this, Traub errors by failing to take into his perhaps singularly correct point at the end, that Arabs in the Middle East will for the near future not most concentrate on U.S. policy towards Israeli and COTERROR but instead how it affects them, during his entire previous analysis. Thus, he repeatedly brings up the point that the Arab League approved of a NFZ as a reason why the U.S. had to enact one lest it find itself on "wrong side of history." Yup, I'm sure the Arab masses would have been furious had the United States not heeded their all of their own oppressive dictators call to focus all of US attention on some peripheral dictator while acquiescing as these other dictators racked up the repression.

Perhaps in 2003 it would have helped our image in the Arab world if we were seen as acting with the acceptance or on behalf of the Arab monarchies/dictators. For those of you who have missed the last three months, the Arab street doesn't seem to be a big fan of these regimes right now.

 

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April 1, 2011

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JASON SIGGER

11:06 AM ET

April 1, 2011

Clarifications

"Realists like to think that they look out for America's interests while progressives, or whatever you call the other side -- and it badly needs a presentable name -- have a moralistic preoccupation with America's values."

The term you're looking for is "liberal interventionist," which describes the Clinton/Obama doctrine. The progressives are with the realists in this issue.

 

MARTY24

1:01 PM ET

April 1, 2011

Wrong set of categories

The basic problem in assessing whether Obama is a realist, progressive, or Martian is the assumption that Obama's thought on matters of foreign policy (or any other kind of policy for that matter) flows from consideration of fundamental principles. The evidence suggests that he is so caught up in his self-image that one can readily predict what he will do in any given case by considering how it will affect it.

In Libya, he wants to be seen as the protector of civilians from an evil dictator. But he doesn't see the protection of civilians from evil dictators as a principle, so screw the Ivoreans, Congolese, Darfurians, Zimbabweans, etc.

By going into Libya, Obama gets to see himself as the leader of a coalition, one that would have sought to deal with Libya with or without him. But he doesn't want to retroactively validate Bush's policy in Iraq, so he starts from the premise that this won't be an Amercan undertaking, and that we'll get out quickly, without his ceasing to be the leader. That's not realism or progressivism; it's nonsense.

A second principle of Obama's policy is that majoritarianism equals moral correctness, because that leads to greater public approval. Thus, the Libya undertaking becomes legitimate when it gets the approval of the UN, Arab League, etc., and would be illegitimate without those approvals. Have those approvals changed anything real?

One serious implication of the "majoritarianism equals moral correctness" concept is that if the UN voted in favor of genocide, Obama would go along with it, because obviously, there can't be a majority that gets something this seriously wrong. We see this misguided notion fully operational in his handling of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Obama ran for office based on the platform of the "blank slate," enabling his supporters to see in him whatever they wanted. What we should have seen is that there really is no there there. In 2008 we bought a pig in a poke. For 2012, the slogan has to be "Fool us once, shame on you. Fool us twice, shame on us."

 

GORGIAS

1:27 PM ET

April 1, 2011

J Traub's Essay

It is a pity that we cannot find better terms to characterize this division of opinion than to call one side "realist" and the other side "idealist." As you point out, neither G.W. Bush nor Obama are by any stretch "idealists." Whatever else may be said of their different foreign policies, both were motivated by their concepts of national interest. The division of views is better described as a difference between those who are thinking strategically and those whose who are more focused on tactics. Over the very long haul, America's interests would be best served in a world in which most countries were like ourselves in having high living standards, a good legal system with honest courts, private property rights, and respect for minorities (well, perhaps we are not so exemplary ourselves in all these areas but you get the drift. Note that I do NOT include democracy as a core American value to be emulated by other countries). It is in our strategic long term interest to promote these values in the world. If we could somehow do this we would not be threatened by wars, terrorism, drug cartels, or nations that undercut American employment by working for starvation wages. The problem is that it is unknown how to do this. For example, when I was young, these violent revolutions such as we are seeing in Libya were generally considered a good thing. People like the late Samuel Huntington thought that these revolutions would create political institutions that would make the people of these countries stakeholders in their government and would start them on the road to modernization. Today it seems that no one has very high hopes for the Arab awakening and, no wonder, considering the outcome of the Iranian revolution 30 years ago. Since no one knows how to promote enlightened social development, it is tempting to define American interests as limited to what in effect are American business interests. Now I do not at all gainsay the importance of protecting American business interests. We will not have a very successful country or a very successful foreign policy if we do not have access to foreign markets or to sources of energy and raw materials. However, these goals should not substitute for a foreign policy that takes into account the longer term goal of promoting the emergence of the sort of world in which we want to live. America cannot promote civilized values everywhere and in every situation. It would cost too much and we would have too many conflicts with important tactical goals were we to do so. However, we can and we should uphold our values where we can do so at a reasonable cost, including the costs of the effects of our policies on our interests elsewhere in the world. This is a truly "realistic" foreign policy and it appears that Pres. Obama understands that.

 

CWWJ

12:36 PM ET

April 2, 2011

realists v. idealists

George W. Bush and Barack Obama are both idealists but proceeding from different points of view. Bush's idealistic view was that the spread of democracy throughout the world would bring peace, harmony and prosperity to all, and that this effort would be spearheaded by a U.S. led coalition. It was his constant theme after no WMD were found in Iraq. Obama's idealistic view is of a world dominated by international institutions that would sublimate national aspirations and specifically diminish the American leadership role. Both approaches, of course, are unattainable, although Obama's is at least possible, given America's declining role in world affairs.

As to the selective morality of both Clinton and Obama in going after easy targets where the outcome might be dictated largely from the air, while ignoring the much more difficult challenges where ground forces would be necessary, both differ markedly from Bush, who believed boots on the ground were necessary not only for clear-cut victory but to establish postwar democratic institutions that could survive after U.S. troops left. It worked in Word War II, why not now?

The problem here is that the Bush policy could not muster popular support even for Iraq, let alone for directly challenging Iran and North Korea, so the idealistic notion had no chance of surviving the opposition of the realists. Americans no longer will accept casualties in war, even though they were at much lower levels in Iraq and Afghanistan than in any other major war in U.S. history. And the hearts and minds battlefield philosophy that has dominated U.S. military thinking since Vietnam is more concerned with protecting civilian populations (hostile or not) than with actual victory.

The incoherence of Obama's moral argument for his actions in Libya while continuing to describe Iraq as a mistake and a failure is stunning. Saddam was always a far more dangerous and bloodthirsty tyrant than Gaddafi, with or without WMD, by orders of magnitude. In addition to the horrific casualties of the Iran Iraq War and the Kurdish massacre, in the aftermath of the Gulf War of 1991, Saddam slaughtered as many as 150,000 Kurds and Shia when they rose up against him. The feeble response was a UN approved no-fly zone in the north and south of Iraq, and a few cruise missiles launched sporadically at suspected WMD targets.

Gaddafi, on the other hand, had abandoned his support of terrorism and disposed of his WMD in fear of suffering the same fate as Saddam. The rebellion and Gaddafi's response are strictly internal matters.

So, Obama finds "moral" necessity for bombing Libya, which represents absolutely no existential (or even future) threat to the United States, while finding no justification whatever for going to war against a regime that was both a moral leper and a sworn enemy of the United States This is moral incoherence of the first order.

Finally, it must be admitted and concluded that Americans, who have for most our history been, except for a few brief periods, isolationist, will no longer countenance fullscale military action against anyone, ever, unless we have actually been attacked on its home soil, by a clearly identifiable enemy. This is the most important lesson we must take from the events of the past ten years: the United States, in spite of being the world's remaining Super Power, is powerless to exert its will. Idealistic or realistic; it matters not.

 

KUMHO

2:52 AM ET

April 12, 2011

Kumho

The term you're looking for is "liberal interventionist," which Parça Kontördescribes the Clinton/Obama doctrine.

 

TORO

5:49 PM ET

April 22, 2011

CWWJ

CWWJ, your comment:

"So, Obama finds "moral" necessity for bombing Libya, which represents absolutely no existential (or even future) threat to the United States, while finding no justification whatever for going to war against a regime that was both a moral leper and a sworn enemy of the United States This is moral incoherence of the first order."

The way to make a better world is not just through wack-a-moleing threats as they come and go. It is through actively promoting a better world. I find it a very strained idea to suppose that America would have been 'better off' had it not intervened in Libya when it did.