What the World Got Wrong in Côte D'Ivoire

Why is the United Nations entrenching former colonial powers on our continent? Africans can and should take the lead in resolving their own disputes.

BY THABO MBEKI | APRIL 29, 2011

The second round of the Nov. 28, 2010, presidential elections in Côte d'Ivoire pitted against each other two long-standing political opponents, Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara. For this reason, and of strategic importance, it was inevitable that this electoral contest would decide the long-term future of the country. Everybody concerned should have probed very seriously the critical question: Would the 2010 elections create the conditions that would establish the basis for the best possible future for the Ivorian people?

This was not done.

Rather, the international community insisted that what Côte d'Ivoire required to end its crisis was to hold democratic elections, even though the conditions did not exist to conduct such elections. Though they knew that this proposition was fundamentally wrong, the Ivorians could not withstand the international pressure to hold the elections.

However, the objective reality is that the Ivorian presidential elections should not have been held when they were held. It was perfectly foreseeable that they would further entrench the very conflict it was suggested they would end.

The 2002 rebellion in Côte d'Ivoire divided the country into two parts, with the north controlled by the rebel Forces Nouvelles, which supported Alassane Ouattara, and the south in the hands of the Gbagbo-led government. Since then, Côte d'Ivoire has had two governments, administrations, armies, and "national" leaders.

Any elections held under these circumstances would inevitably entrench the divisions and animosities represented and exacerbated by the 2002 rebellion.

The structural faults which lay at the base of the 2002 rebellion include such inflammable issues as trans-national tensions affecting especially Côte d'Ivoire and Burkina Faso, Ivorian ethnic and religious antagonisms, sharing of political power, and access to economic and social power and opportunities.

In this regard, the international community has assiduously suppressed proper appreciation of various explosive allegations which, rightly or wrongly, have informed and will continue to inform the views of the Gbagbo-supporting population in southern Côte d'Ivoire -- and much of Francophone Africa!

These are that Ouattara is a foreigner born in Burkina Faso, that together with Burkinabè President Blaise Compaoré he was responsible for the 2002 rebellion, that his accession to power would result in the takeover of the country especially by Burkinabè foreigners, and that historically, to date, he has been ready to advance French interests in Côte d'Ivoire.

Taking all this into account, the African Union understood that a lasting solution of the Ivorian crisis necessitated a negotiated agreement between the two belligerent Ivorian factions, focused on the interdependent issues of democracy, peace, national reconciliation and unity.

In protracted negotiations from 2002, the Ivorians agreed that the presidential elections would not be held until various conditions had been met. These included the reunification of the country, the restoration of the national administration to all parts of the Ivorian territory, and the disarmament of the rebels and all militia and their integration in the national security machinery, with the latter process completed at least two months ahead of any presidential elections. Despite the fact that none of this was honoured, the presidential elections were allowed to proceed.

In the end, Ouattara has been installed as president of Côte d'Ivoire. Gbagbo, and his wife Simone, have ended up as humiliated prisoners. Many Ivorians have died and have been displaced, much infrastructure has been destroyed, and historic animosities have been exacerbated in the lead up to this outcome.

Many things have gone radically wrong along the road to this result.

Agreements relating to what needed to be done to create conditions for free and fair elections were wilfully and contemptuously ignored. The Ivorian Constitutional Council (CC) is the only body constitutionally empowered to determine the winner in any presidential election and to install the president, with the Electoral Commission (IEC) mandated to forward its provisional results to the CC. However, the very people who insist on the sanctity of the rule of law as fundamental to all democratic practice, elected illegally to recognise the provisional result announced by the chairperson of the IEC on his own, as the authentic outcome of the presidential election.

As provided by the law, Gbagbo contested the fairness of the elections in certain parts of the country, especially the north. The CC, rightly or wrongly, accepted the majority of the complaints made by Gbagbo, identified other "irregularities," annulled the votes in some districts, and declared Gbagbo the victor. The chairperson of the IEC did not take these alleged irregularities into account and decided that Ouattara had won.

The envoy of U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, his fellow South Korean, SRSG Young-jin Choi, also determined that Ouattara had won, but on the basis of fewer votes than those announced by the IEC, having determined that some of the complaints made by Gbagbo were legitimate. In terms of the votes cast for the two candidates, the IEC, the CC, and the U.N. SRSG made three different determinations.

Gbagbo proposed that to resolve this matter, which bears on the important issue of the will of the Ivorian people, an international commission should be established to verify the election results, with the important pre-condition that both he and Ouattara should accept the determination of the commission.

This proposal was rejected by the international community -- despite the fact that it would have resolved the electoral dispute without resort to war, and despite the fact that some election observers questioned the fairness of the elections, especially in northern Côte d'Ivoire.

For instance, reporting on the elections in the north, the election observer mission of the AU led by Joseph Kokou Kofigoh, former prime minister of Togo, the independent civil society Societé Civile Africaine pour la Democratie et l'Assistance Electoral led by Seynabou Indieguene of Senegal, and the Coordination of African Election Experts (CAEE) from Cameroon, Senegal, Benin, Mali, Morocco, Gabon, and Togo led by Jean-Marie Ongjibangte of Cameroon, all sounded the alarm about the elections in the north.

For instance, the CAEE said: "After sharing information with other national and international election observers, we hereby state that the second round of the presidential elections in Côte d'Ivoire was held amidst major problems in (various northern) regions...

"These problems were stealing of ballot boxes, arresting of candidates' representatives, multiple voting, refusal to admit international observers to witness counting of ballots, and the murder of representatives of candidates. To that effect, we hereby declare that the second round of voting was not free, fair and transparent in these (northern) localities."

For its part, to this day, the ECOWAS election observer mission has not issued its report on the second round of the presidential election! Why?

Clearly the independent international commission proposed by Laurent Gbagbo could have been established and empowered to make a definitive and binding determination about what had happened. Time will tell why this was not done!

Further, the U.N. SRSG took the extraordinary decision to exceed his mandate by declaring who had won the presidential election, contrary to his tasks as detailed by the Security Council. This positioned the U.N. Mission in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI) as a partisan in the Ivorian conflict, rather than a neutral peacemaker, equidistant from the belligerent parties.

From this point onwards, UNOCI had no choice but actively to work for the installation of Ouattara as president of the country and the removal of Gbagbo. Ultimately, this found expression in the blatant use of its military capacities to open the way for the Forces Nouvelles to defeat the Gbagbo forces and capture Gbagbo, under the shameless pretence that it was acting to protect civilians.

While obliged to respect its peacekeeping mandate, which included keeping the belligerent forces apart, UNOCI did nothing to stop the advance of the Forces Nouvelles from the north to the south, including and up to Abidjan. Nor did UNOCI or the French Licorne forces, as mandated by the United Nations, act to protect civilians in the area of Duékoué, where, evidently, the most concentrated murder of civilians took place! This recalls the United Nations's failure to end the more catastrophic murder and abuse of civilians in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo!

The Ivorian reality points to a number of incontrovertible conclusions.

The agreed conditions for the holding of democratic elections in Côte d'Ivoire were not created. Despite strong allegations of electoral fraud, the international community decided against conducting any verification of the process and the announced results. This left unanswered the vitally important question of who actually had won the elections, which Ouattara might have done.

The United Nations elected to abandon its neutrality as a peacemaker, deciding to be a partisan belligerent in the Ivorian conflict.

France used its privileged place in the Security Council to position itself to play an important role in determining the future of Côte d'Ivoire, its former colony in which, inter alia, it has significant economic interests. It joined the United Nations to ensure that Ouattara emerged as the victor in the Ivorian conflict.

This addressed the national interests of France, consistent with its Françafrique policies, which aim to perpetuate a particular relationship with its former African colonies. This is in keeping with remarks made by former French President François Mitterand when he said, "Without Africa, France will have no history in the 21st century," which former French foreign minister Jacques Godfrain confirmed when he said: "A little country [France], with a small amount of strength, we can move a planet because [of our]...relations with 15 or 20 African countries..."

The AU is also not without blame, as it failed to assert itself to persuade everybody to work to achieve reconciliation among the Ivorians, and therefore durable peace. Tragically, the outcome that has been achieved in Côte d'Ivoire further entrenches the endemic conflict in this country. This is because it has placed in the exclusive hands of the failed rebellion of 2002 the ability to determine the future of the country, whereas the objective situation dictated and dictates that the people of Côte d'Ivoire should engage one another as equals to determine their shared destiny.

During the decade he served as president of Côte d'Ivoire, Gbagbo had no possibility to act on his own to reunify the country and achieve reconciliation among its diverse people, despite the existence of negotiated agreements in this regard. As he serves as president of the country, Ouattara will not succeed to realise these objectives, acting on his own, outside the context of honest agreement with the sections of the Ivorian population represented by Gbagbo.

What was to come was foreseen by the then U.S. ambassador in Côte d'Ivoire, Wanda L. Nesbitt. In July 2009, she advised the U.S. government:

"It now appears that the Ouaga IV agreement, [the fourth agreement to the Ouagadougou Political Agreement which prescribed that disarmament should precede the elections], is fundamentally an agreement between Blaise Compaore [President of Burkina Faso] and Laurent Gbagbo to share control of the north until after the presidential election, despite the fact that the text calls for the Forces Nouvelles to return control of the north to the government and complete disarmament two months before the election...

"But the 5,000 Forces Nouvelles soldiers who are to be "disarmed" and regrouped into barracks in four key cities in the north and west until a new national army is created, represent a serious military capability that the FAFN [Forces Nouvelles] intends to keep well-trained and in reserve until after the election. The hand-over of administrative power from the FAFN to civilian government authorities is a pre-requisite for elections but, as travelers to the north (including Embassy personnel) confirm: the FAFN retain de-facto control of the region especially when it comes to finances."

The failure to address the "pre-requisite for elections" predetermined their outcome. The rebel "control" of the north, mentioned by Ambassador Nesbitt, prescribed the outcome of the 2010 presidential election. Similarly, it was the "military capability" of the rebellion, which Ambassador Nesbitt mentioned, that was used to ensure that Ouattara became president of Côte d'Ivoire.

It is little wonder that as the post-election crisis deepened, Laurent Gbagbo would cry out: I was betrayed!

At the end of it all, there are many casualties.

One of these is the African Union. The tragic events in Côte d'Ivoire have confirmed the marginalization of the union in its ability to resolve the most important African challenges.

Instead, the AU has asserted the ability of the major powers to intervene to resolve these challenges by using their various capacities to legitimize their actions by persuading the United Nations to authorise their self-serving interventions.

The United Nations is yet another casualty. It has severely undermined its acceptability as a neutral force in the resolution of internal conflicts, such as the one in Côte d'Ivoire. It will now be difficult for the United Nations to convince Africa and the rest of the developing world that it is not a mere instrument in the hands of the world's major powers. This has confirmed the urgency of the need to restructure the organisation, based on the view that as presently structured the United Nations has no ability to act as a truly democratic representative of its member states.

Thus, in various ways, the events in Côte d'Ivoire could serve as a defining moment in terms of the urgent need to reengineer the system of international relations. They have exposed the reality of the balance and abuse of power in the post-Cold War era, and put paid to the fiction that the major powers respect the rule of law in the conduct of international relations, even as defined by the U.N. Charter, and that, as democrats, they respect the views of the peoples of the world.

We can only hope that Laurent and Simone Gbagbo and the Ivorian people do not continue to suffer as abused and humiliated victims of a global system which, in its interests, while shouting loudly about universal human rights, only seeks to perpetuate the domination of the many by the few who dispose of preponderant political, economic, military and media power.

The perverse and poisonous proceedings that have afflicted Côte d'Ivoire pose the urgent question: How many blatant abuses of power will Africa and the rest of the developing world experience before the vision of a democratic system of global governance is realised? 

SEYLLOU/AFP/Getty Images

 

Thabo Mbeki, former president of South Africa, served as the mediator for Côte d'Ivoire from November 2004 to October 2006.

PECHORIN

5:34 PM ET

April 29, 2011

Very interesting.

Found this piece very persuasive, and was further impressed when I saw who wrote it. Best wishes for you and your country Mr. Mbeki, and I hope you'll favor us with your analysis in the future.

 

JEAN KAPENDA

9:28 AM ET

April 30, 2011

The Four Truths Mr. Mbeki Missed

Dear Mr. Mbeki,
I am a 51-year old African scholar who, besides spending 21 years in emerging democracies in Latin America, also has lived in Europe and the United States. Therefore, I am very familiar with dictatorships and its mobcracies, transition to democracy and democracy consolidation, and the republican form of government. You have noticed that I've coined a new term "the mobcracy" to avoid any confusion with “democracy”. As you know, there are tons of mobsters camouflaged as presidents in Africa who still spray or are planning to spray their opponents on the face with tear gas! I will use these lines as a teaching moment about democracy for current and future African leaders. These are my four truths or les quatre vérités:
1. Holding elections does not mean you're living in a democracy. It does not even mean that you're transitioning towards democracy. It is just a step to put you at the door of a more complex transitional process where bright minds are needed to create a more inclusive society that promotes prosperity for all and a population and institutions committed to respecting human rights across tribal and regional lines. I’ll later explain how you do it, just hold on!
2. Africa’s collective memory is rich in experiences with tyranny and dictatorships and poor in experience with democracy or successful transition towards democracy. This continental disadvantage applies to South Africa as well since it is still on the learning curve thanks to leaders like you and our beloved Nelson Mandela. In Latin America, we often talk of re-democratization and we’ve noticed that those countries with positive successful experience with democracy (the case of Chile) get on their feet quicker after a dictatorship than those with negative democratic experience (just look at Venezuela!). When I arrived in Latin America in the 1980s, Augusto Pinochet was still ruling Chile and when I departed, Chile was ruled by its fourth democratically-and-fairly-elected president, Michelle Bachelet, who later handed the power over to Sebastián Piñera, on whose LAN Chile planes I flew to New York a few times! Again, bright minds are needed. You simply cannot transition to democracy with the current incumbents. This leads me to the third truth.
3. Transition to democracy means that the tyrannical regime must surrender or be defeated. It is against political science theory and praxis to have dictators at the helm of the democracy transition process. Dictators will NEVER be democrats; they can only become “dictocrats” (another term I coined months ago!). The fact that a person was once fairly elected doesn’t make him necessarily a democrat!
4. Building a democracy is a complex process that requires people’s own commitment to education and to being educated. Otherwise, we will end up with corrupt parliaments receiving bribes to change constitutions or pass laws to benefit certain individuals. Let’s not stop there! We will end up with citizens selling their votes to criminals for a bowl of rice and beans. The process also requires a check-and-balance system at national and local levels to enforce the law and prosecute everybody who breaks the law, not only the “small fishes”!

 

KOFINOBLE

5:24 PM ET

April 30, 2011

Ignorance!

This is just a self serving response. You should have addressed the core issues Mr Mbeki raised in the article. What is new in your "teachable moment". I wish you had educated yourself from the many years of experience you claim to have.

 

JEAN KAPENDA

5:45 PM ET

April 30, 2011

Freedom of Speech: A Pearl of Great Price

Who is man to crush freedom of speech? Who is man to dictate what "should" or "should not" be written? Freedom is the essence of creativity, which is primarily a mental exercise. Who is man to prohibit an intellectual exercise of associating elections, democracy transition, democracy consolidation, and "the mobcracy" in a larger African context? No doubt, freedom is a pearl of great price and whoever is against it has chosen the wrong forum! A bon entendeur, salut!

 

AFRICAN BOY

3:50 PM ET

May 4, 2011

Thambo Mbeki's one sided observation

I read in amusement the piece written by President Thambo Mbeki and could not help but wondered wether his judgement has been clouded by an afrocentric ideology that tends to want to exclude non Africans from African affiairs or he genuinely believed his own lie about what is best for Africa.

If it was the former, I would say to him Afrocentricity should not be an excuse to forster on us injustices and illegitimate Governments. An election was held, there was a clear winner, the loser be it an incumbent or God has no right to attempt to stay in power.

And if it was the latter I would not be too surprised as his intervention elsewher in Zimbabwe was an embarrasment to many of us who are Africans. We all know that Mugabe lost the election yet Thambo Mbeki was able to put together an arrangement that compensated him for losing an election to the detriment of the winner.

What an obvious shame faced injustice. If That is the African way I would rather preffer to renounce my African heritage. Kofi Annan did the same in Kenya.

What Message are we sending to the rest of the world? That in Africa elections are just for window dressing as no matter what, incumbent will always win and when they do'nt ,they must be kept in power at the expence of the winner. "Utter Rubish"

The excuse that Alassane Ouattara was not an Ivorian is a poor one indeed to try to disqualify a former minister of a Finance of a country because he was popular enough to pose an elctoral threat to other peoples ambition.

Mr Mbeki should realise this was not the first time such tactic has been used, their authors are no better than those who are looking for ways to illegitimise President Obama tenure as president on the basis that he was not born in the USA, when his birth certificate says he was born in Hawaii.

On the issue of Ivory coast being divided and efforts should have been made to re-unite the two warring parts before an election. Here Mr Mbeki stopped making sense, democracy and elections are part of a country's healing process as it gives the poulation opportunities to listen to various view-points and in a civilised manner decide the ones they liked.

If we should use Mr Mbekis own coubtry as example. The Apatheid regime in South Africa did not use this excuse after it became clear that the winds have been taken off their sails. The South African first election and all subsequent elections are part of the healing process and this process will continue until and even after the first opposition government wins election in South Africa. This I hope will happen one day.

Then and only then can we actually claim that democracy is entrenched in that South Africa and not Mr Mbeki's Afro styled democracy where might is right and incumbents are gods

And I can only hope bthe same for all other African countries including my beloved Nigeria.

 

AKENATEN

6:18 AM ET

May 5, 2011

I MUST concurr!

Way to go Mr President!!!

To the "bright mind" that speaks in his comment about the four truths ..... It might be important to remind to him that even in his South American version of "creeping dictatorship" one has NEVER but i MEAN NEVER witnessed Ambassadors of a "president elected" received in "democratic countries".
Might be usefull to start looking at teh facts with your eyes and not with your ears!!!
For his information President Mbeki was the one that received Father Aristide in his country!!!
Interestingly enought Aristide is today ...... by far......... the lost sought after politician of that Island!!!!!

Time is coming!

 

ANIANG

6:22 PM ET

April 29, 2011

Mbeki as usual franc

The case of Cote d'Ivoire will speed up the needed adjustments in the United Nations. The UN Secretary-General perhaps nively took a way the integrity of the UN System. I am not proud of my Organization that I served for almost three decades.
As often argued Sarko is a chance for Africa and its interventions in Cote d'Ivoire and Lybia will contribute immensely to rethink the relationships between France and Africa with high risk for France to become a Least Developed Country.

 

DR.SPARK

10:37 AM ET

May 1, 2011

You hit right on Target Aniang

ANIANG,
Your Organization has so many times waited for adjustment, to be determined by member states. However until today, its staff and the Secretary General, reflect the real constellation of power in world affairs. After the disappearance of certain states from the World Map, Russia's own successful degradation into a developing third world power, with ever diminishing population and the emergence of a Superpower China , which is more concerned with face lifting and adjusting to capital requirements then with fighting injustice in World Affairs, former Colonial States as in 1956 during the Suez Crisis, are testing how far they could go in stretching the UN Charter and reimpose their own uncontrolled rule over certain territories of the World. As always, people, human beings, mainly from former colonial nations are suffering.

 

LARS RISE

1:19 AM ET

April 30, 2011

Thank you, Mr. Mbeki

I visited Abidjan a few days in January this year and met with some key players in the post- electoral process, among them the United Nations, represented by the officer for Human Rights, Simon Munzu. He admitted that he was behind the false information given to the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights in Geneva, that a third mass grave had been reported in the Ivory Coast and that the Gbagbo security forces prevented UN forces from finding it. This story was printed in the International Herald Tribune with the UN as a credible source, - confirmed by the High Commissioner. In the UN offices in Abidjan the truth came out: - I was the source, but the report of a third mass grave is not documented, it is only rumours, Simon Munzu said as I met with him with the norwegian ambassador on January 17. Mr. Munzu was offered free access to the alleged site for the mass grave by the Ministry of Interior, but he stated that he was not interested. When the first reports of massacres in Duekue were published it was reported that maybe as many as 1000 people had been killed and burnt by the Ouattara rebels. But Mr. Munzu corrected this; "only" 330 had been killed; first 110 had been killed by Gbagbo security forces, then 220 had been killed by Ouattara forces. The problem for Mr. Munzu was that the same day as he stated this, the following information was confirmed on the UN web site for OCHA: around 800 civilians were killed in Duekue, they were all killed by the Ouattara rebel forces. These two examples indicates that the United Nations in Abidjan have not been neutral in reporting of violations of human rights, - it seems rather that the UN has had ambitions of playing a political role by siding with Ouattara and France. Thank you, Mr. Mbeki, for pointing this out. It should now be concidered how the UN officers in Abidjan may be held responsible for misleading the international community - together with France and the Ouattara forces.

 

SIMON MUNZU

12:16 PM ET

May 6, 2011

Mr. Rise's appalling dishonesty and lack of integrity

Considering that Mr. Lars Rise is a former parliamentarian of a civilized and well-respected country such as Norway, the high degree of dishonesty and lack of integrity that he has exhibited in statements attributed to me in his comments on Mr. Thabo Mbeki's article that appeared in Foreign Policy (FP) on 29 April 2011 is simply shocking and appalling.

When officials at the Royal Norwegian Embassy in Abidjan requested me in mid-January 2011 to meet with Mr. Rise, they introduced him as a former member of the Norwegian Parliament on a private visit to Cote d'Ivoire to see his 'friend', Mr. Laurent Gbagbo, who had expressed the wish to be briefed by officials of the United Nations Operation in Cote d'Ivoire (UNOCI) on the human rights situation in the country. As director of UNOCI's Human Rights Division, I received Mr. Rise in my office on 17 January in the presence of two officials of the Norwegian Embassy - the Ambassador and one Political Affairs Officer.

Mr. Rise maliciously states that I "admitted" that I "was behind the false information given to the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights in Geneva, that a third mass grave had been reported in the Ivory Coast and that the Gbagbo security forces prevented UN forces from finding it". In December 2010 and January 2011, UNOCI received information from various sources alleging the existence of 'mass graves' in N’dotré, a locality on the outskirts of Abidjan, and other locations in the west and the centre of Cote d'Ivoire. These allegations that were widely relayed by several national and international news media were brought to the attention of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights by UNOCI. However, neither the High Commissioner nor UNOCI (especially its Human Rights Division) treats information on alleged human rights violations as 'false' or 'true' until it has been properly verified.

UNOCI dispatched joint teams of civilian and military investigators to each of the three localities in which mass graves were alleged to be found with a view to conducting inquiries that would enable us to ascertain whether the allegations were true or false. On each of these occasions, UNOCI's human rights investigation teams, including the one to N’dotré that was led personally by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Y.J. Choi, on 20 December 2010, were prevented by armed elements of defence and security forces loyal to Mr. Laurent Gbagbo from reaching the sites where mass graves allegedly existed. As it was our duty to do, we reported to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights not only the fact that we had received unconfirmed information about the existence of alleged mass graves in Cote d'Ivoire, but also the fact that we had been prevented by pro-Gbagbo defence and security forces from visiting the sites of these alleged mass graves for the purpose of conducting investigations that would enable us to establish the veracity or falsehood of the information that we had received. The High Commissioner briefed the United Nations Human Rights Council accordingly at its special session on Cote d'Ivoire held in Geneva on 23 December 2010. Her statement to the Council was widely reported by the international news media, including the International Herald Tribune.

The two facts mentioned above that we reported to the High Commissioner and which she, in turn, brought to the attention of the Human Rights Council were just that - 'facts'. That armed elements of pro-Gbagbo defence and security forces forcibly denied UNOCI human rights investigators access to the sites of alleged mass graves is a ‘fact’, not 'false information'. As long as this forcible denial of access made it impossible for us to conduct the investigations that would have allowed us to determine the veracity or falsehood of information alleging the existence of mass graves, such information could not be classified peremptorily and arbitrarily as 'false' or 'true'. Until we verified it, we could only treat it, as I told Mr. Rise at our meeting on 17 January, as rumour.

In several radio, television and newspaper interviews that I granted to national and international news media in December 2010 and January 2011, to the frequently asked question if I could confirm whether the United Nations had found mass graves in Cote d'Ivoire, I consistently answered that: 1) we had received information from various sources about the possible discovery of mass graves in several parts of the country; 2) we were treating such information seriously and wished, therefore, to investigate it; 3) regrettably, our efforts to verify the information had been thwarted by Mr Gbagbo's defence and security forces that repeatedly denied us access to the sites of alleged mass graves; 4) pending our own inquiries into the allegations, we would continue to treat the information received as rumour; 5) consequently, the United Nations could neither confirm nor deny the existence of mass graves in Cote d'Ivoire. It is, therefore, outrageously malicious for Mr. Rise to state that I 'admitted' to him that I was behind 'false information' provided to the High Commissioner concerning the existence of mass graves in Cote d'Ivoire.

In another shameful travesty of the truth, Mr. Rise states that “Mr. Munzu was offered free access to the alleged site for the mass grave by the Ministry of Interior, but he stated that he was not interested”. As other participants at the 17 January meeting would recall, Mr. Rise produced a letter signed and delivered to him that afternoon by Mr. Laurent Gbagbo’s ‘Minister of Interior’. The letter authorized him to visit any alleged mass grave sites that he wished to see and instructed all defence and security forces to give him access to such sites. He indicated that, based on this authorization, he intended to visit the alleged mass grave site in N’dotré that same afternoon, ahead of his departure from Cote d’Ivoire the next day. He considered this a ‘good opportunity’ for the ‘international community’ to verify the truth of the alleged existence of a mass grave at N’dotré. He, therefore, invited the Norwegian Embassy and UNOCI to join him in his visit to N’dotré.

The Norwegian Ambassador declined Mr. Rise’s ‘offer’ on behalf of his Embassy, highlighting the private nature of his visit to Cote d’Ivoire to which the Norwegian Government and Embassy did not wish to be associated. I declined the same ‘offer’ on behalf of UNOCI, pointing out that: 1) in view of the will expressed by the Ivorian people, the majority of whom voted for Mr. Alassane Ouattara at the 28 November presidential election, the United Nations recognized neither Mr. Laurent Gbagbo as the legitimate President of Cote d’Ivoire nor the author of the letter exhibited by Mr. Rise as the legitimate Ivorian Minister of Interior; consequently, we regarded the letter issued by the ‘Minister’ without value or effect; 2) in any event, UNOCI’s mandate as defined by the UN Security Council included investigating and reporting on all serious human rights violations taking place anywhere in Cote d’Ivoire; inherent to this mandate was the permanent and continuous freedom of movement of UNOCI human rights investigators to move all over the Ivorian territory; their movement did not, and could not, depend on ad hoc or case-by-case authorization by an Ivorian Minister of Interior, not even a legitimate one; to accompany Mr. Rise to N’dotré on the basis of the written authorization given by Mr. Gbagbo’s ‘Minister of Interior’ would send the wrong and unacceptable message that the movement of UNOCI personnel, especially its human rights investigators, henceforth depended upon prior authorization by the government; in the nearly seven years since the establishment of UNOCI, the government of Cote d’Ivoire had never had to authorize the movement of its staff or the conduct of its activities on a case-by-case basis; we would be setting a bad precedent in this regard if we were to join Mr. Rise on his investigation mission based on the authorization of the ‘Minister’.

I urged Mr. Rise, if he really wanted to render a service to the international community, to ask his ‘friend’, Laurent Gbagbo, to lift his restrictions on the movement of UNOCI personnel and to instruct his defence and security forces accordingly. In the light of the full discussion that the four of us had at the meeting in my office concerning Mr. Rise’s invitation to the Royal Norwegian Embassy and UNOCI to join him on his trip to N’dotré based on authorization from an illegitimate ‘Minister of Interior’, it is highly dishonest of Mr. Rise to tell readers of FP that I “was offered free access to the alleged site for the mass grave by the Ministry of Interior” but I “stated” that I “was not interested”.

As it turned out, with the weakening of the hold of pro-Gbagbo forces on Abidjan and the surrounding neighbourhoods, UNOCI human rights investigators were finally able to investigate information concerning the alleged existence of a mass grave in N’dotré on Saturday 12 and Monday 14 March 2011. Upon the conclusion of their investigations, UNOCI officially issued a press release (No. 982 of 17 March 2011) in which it stated that, during the two visits to N’dotré, its investigators had "seen no mass grave sites, nor any traces of them". The statement added that the investigators had "not found any corpses at the half-constructed 'morgue' building in N’dotré, where a number of bodies were said to have been kept. Given that this morgue is an unfinished construction with no facilities such as a cold chamber, bodies could not have been kept there for a long period of time".

Because UNOCI had, at last, been able on 12 and 14 March 2011 to verify information first received in December 2010 about the possible existence of a mass grave at N’dotré, the United Nations was able to tell Cote d'Ivoire and the world on 17 March, based on its own investigations, that this information was false. This outcome could have been achieved as early as December 2010 if Mr. Gbagbo and his defence and security forces had not chosen, in the context of the crisis that followed the 28 November 2010 presidential election, to apply their policy of relentless obstruction to the movement of UNOCI personnel and to the conduct of UNOCI activities, including those related to the implementation of the UN mission’s mandate to investigate and report on the gross human rights violations that were taking place in the country.

Mr. Rise crowns his exhibition of dishonesty and lack of integrity with the assertion that “when the first reports of massacres in Duekue (sic) were published”, according to which “maybe as many as 1000 people had been killed and burnt by the Ouattara rebels”, I revised this figure to only 330 people killed, 220 of them by Ouattara forces and the remaining 110 by Gbagbo forces. The ‘problem’ for me, Mr. Rise triumphantly writes, was that on the same day as I supposedly gave out these figures, it was “confirmed on the UN web site for OCHA” that “around 800 civilians were killed in Duekue (sic)”, all of them “by the Ouattara rebel forces”. It does not seem to matter to Mr. Rise that I was continuously absent from Cote d’Ivoire and UNOCI, on home leave followed by administrative leave, from 1 March to 23 April 2011. During this period, I issued no statement or figure whatsoever regarding events in Cote d’Ivoire, including civilian deaths in Duekoue.

I can understand Mr. Rise wanting to stand up for his ‘friend’, Mr. Laurent Gbagbo, especially after the latter’s recent fall from power in Cote d’Ivoire. What I fail to understand is why he appears to believe that using the columns of FP to lie so blatantly about me to the readers of this distinguished magazine is an effective (and, perhaps, the best) way to do so. He ends his libelous comments with the recommendation that consideration should be given to “how the UN officers in Abidjan (especially me, I suppose) may be held responsible for misleading the international community - together with France and the Ouattara forces”. While this is being considered, perhaps I should give some thought to how Mr. Rise may be held responsible for maliciously and libelously misleading readers of FP, the Ivorian people and the international community at large about me.

 

LARS RISE

10:49 AM ET

May 11, 2011

Thank you to Mr. Munzu for confirming my main points

I wrote a short statement about my visit to the Ivory Coast and met with Laurent Gbagbo for the second time in my life and Simon Munzu for the first time and did not expect to have this strong and long reaction from Mr. Munzu - even with special labels and descriptions of me.

It is interesting to see that Simon Munzu through his 2300 words comment to my short statement in fact is confirming the main points in my article.

My concern was that the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights gave a statement in Geneva about her concern over the news she had received of a third mass grave reported in the Ivory Coast. Simon Munzu stated in our meeting that he was the source and that it regrettable was printed as a fact, while the reality was that this was just un undocumented rumour. Mr. Munzu even showed me a note book with notes that he received about rumours of mass graves found. He also showed me an email that he received from Reuters journalist apologizing that the story was communicated as a fact and not just as a rumour.

From my point of view it is very serious when the High Commissioner goes public with a statement about mass graves reported. United Nations should not be involved in spreading undocumented rumours in a very tense situation. Simon Munzu was the source of the information, and even after this was printed in International Herald Tribune, he has done nothing to correct the false story. It is very serious when the United Nations no longer can be trusted to give correct information.

I am happy to hear that Simon Munzu now can confirm that the story about the mass grave in fact was false and that the UNOCI later found no bodies on the reported site. This may serve as a reminder of how important it is for the United Nations to avoid contributing to spreading information which has not been confirmed yet. Mr. Munzu states in his comment that if the security forces of Gbagbo has allowed the UN forces to pass, the story could have been denied already in December, now we had to wait until March 17. The mistrust between the Gbagbo forces and the UNOCI existed partly because UN vehicles repeatedly was stopped containing rebel forces. But if Mr. Munzu had been interested, the verification could have taken place on January 17. But he confirms in his reply to me that he was not interested for formal reasons.

Concerning the Duekue massacres of civilians, I assume Mr. Munzu was responsible for information provided by the UNOCI Human rights office even in his absence? I apologize the use of his name if this is not the case. The fact is that the UNOCI Human Rights office tried to downgrade the seriousness conncected to the Duekue massacre stating that it was not 1000 bodies, - it was 330 and one third of them were first killed by Gbagbo forces. This was stated from Abidjan at the same time as the official UN web site for OCHA stated that around 800 were killed and Ouattaras rebel forces alone were to blame. Should we trust the UNOCI Human rights office in Abidjan? Or should we trust the UN representatives who reported from the site of the tragedy?

This is why I suggested that it should now be concidered how the UN officers in Abidjan may be held responsible for misleading the international community - together with France and the Ouattara forces.

And, - by the way - the norwegian ambassador did not decline, nor was he invited to participate on a trip to the alleged mass grave site. This was no topic in the meeting and the statement from Mr. Munzu is baseless. Mr. Munzu declined though to visit the alleged site on January 17, - the day we had a possibility to visit it together.

 

P N ESWARAN

8:08 AM ET

April 30, 2011

Very Good Article

The article has given a great insight into the happenings in the Ivory coast. The UN seems to have outlived any purpose and it is time that it is put to rest like the League of the Nations and a new international body is created.
Let us see how long does the mischief of the western nations continues.

 

ADAMA

8:39 AM ET

April 30, 2011

Tabo Mbeki

Thank you Mr Mbeki for your highly valuable views of the Ivorian crisis and yes everything you stated is correct. But my questions to you are: why so late to bring the truth to light? Why didn't you shine the truth on the crisis when you were mandated by the African Union? Why did you allow the bloodshed to take place for so many lives to be paid for the Ivory Coast to return to a French Mandate? Why isn't Africa standing for their brothers loud and strong enough to forbid the Western domination of African resources ? Why isn't this masquerade cried out loud and early enough to stop a group of low educated and uncivilized rebels to take freedom of mass massacres under the "western" protection and "international recognition"? Thank you by all means Mr MBeki, I owe you a lot of respect for your views but Africans need preventive actions to free themselves once for all from the UN-White-controlled institution. Enough is enough! They insulted us in the Ivory Coast and it is the whole continent's dignity at stake. Time to wake up and withdraw from the UN-Meat-Packing glitterati.

 

BENJAMINLINCOLN

10:14 PM ET

April 30, 2011

African Leadership

With all due respect Mr. President, I think Adama is right in pointing out the lack of leadership of YOU, our African leaders in handling our own conflicts. Why a foreign power or "organization" would try and finally "resolve" the quarrel in your house if yourself you can fix it? Again, why didn`t you with other African leaders who share your view on the Ivorian case speak out and why didn`t you lobby President Zuma on such matter since France needed - and this is another truth - the support from South Africa to intervene in Cote d`Ivoire...?

Another important thing that Mr. President, you seem to avoid telling is that Ouattara really won the elections. In fact, data showed and it`s the truth, that in any case - were the elections held again or the count redone - that Gbagbo could have not been elected. Instead, the former President prepared for war and one thing as someone who used to hail him for his "democratic discourse" will hardly understand and yet forgive is how could he manipulate our constitution so that he could be declared President when the very same constitution asks for new elections? How could Gbagbo consider himself elected violating the same constitution that he defend himself comply with?

Again the turning point is the key role that the president of the constitution played in the conflict and the fact is finally that Ouattara is right but he used the wrong means to get to the power.

 

CHRISTOPHEFIERO

3:37 PM ET

April 30, 2011

FAR FROM TRUTH

Mr. Mbeki's writing is very very far from truth.

It is like the current financial crisis. Every economist who said nothing for years or who got it wrong is now telling how things should have been done to avoid the financial crisis.

Despite Gbagbo using the ten years to sur-arm his troops and train them adequately, it only took 4 days to the Forces Nouvelles to take over the whole country and get to Abidjan. Why didn't they do that in 2002 when Gbagbo was weaker, with a poor and ill-equipped army? Well that is what Mr. Mbeki chose to ignore. The French fought against the rebels and stopped them while they were advancing very quickly to Yamoussoukro, and Abidjan. France then called onto the UN to send in troop to help Ivory Coast Government. That is what saved Gbagbo (who then had the legitimacy).

Since 2005, elections should have been held. Gbagbo delayed them until he was sure he could win. 5 years delays, well that couldn't be going on for ever.

 

CHRISAK

11:03 AM ET

May 1, 2011

In Reply to Christophe

Actually, the French intervention in 2002 took place AFTER the rebels had already been fought back a first time by the loyalists in the South. The French had refused to activate their defense pact with the Ivorian government, even though the rebellion had been supported, one way or another, by an external power, Burkina Faso's Compaore (another great examplar of undemocratic leadership, and a well-known minion of "Francafrique"). Whether the subsequent intervention of French troops (again on vaguely humanitarian/peacekeeping grounds) benefited the rebels more than the loyalists has been a point of contention. More recently, the rebels were able to take the rest of the country in no small part because loyalist troops had been starved and demoralized for several weeks (due in large part to the financial lockdown imposed on the entire population under Mr. Ouattara's request--I guess the end always justifies the means!) whereas, meanwhile, rebel forces were strangely well-armed, well-fed and well-organized (in ways which obviously hinted at foreign support, at the very least).

In any case, blaming Gbagbo for delaying elections since 2005 (the dominant narrative in French media) seems completely absurd in light of the facts highlighted by Mr. Mbeki: to summarize, under the relevant agreements, the disarmament of the rebels was a precondition to the holding of free and fair elections. That disarmament never occured, therefore the elections were delayed. Why blame Gbagbo for the fact that the rebels did not disarm? What kind of credible elections (credible in the eyes of the parties that matter most: that is, the opposing Ivorian parties) could take place when half of the country was ruled outside of the law?

Mr. Mbeki seems to me closer to the truth than Christophe.

 

AKENATEN

7:44 AM ET

May 5, 2011

FAR FROM THE TRUTH???

In 1999 Who choosed not to intervene when president Bedie House (aka the presidency was under attack by a certain IB). Woody Woodpecker (WWP), i beleive!
In 2002 who armed and formed the rebelion??? WWP I beleive!
In 2011 who decided for the first time in History to receive an "president-elected" ambassador in his soil! FWWPi think!!!
Look with your eyes boy!

Since 2005 Gbagbo has been explaining to everyone that there was an "z'internationnal" plot from the same community recognisable by its lack of registered adress and who has been playing the vice gods since the 1850 (meeting formally in 1884-85!)
Well! Who can say the contrary today in a country where there is a governement of a "president-elected" formed .............................. BEFORE HIS OWN INAUGURATION ????????????
Anybody has ever asked who (and on on what "legal"basis?!?) has orderd expenses related to this "show" when the country has not "yet" received "humanitarian" aid????

I assumed the president .........who is..... himself ......... under house arrest!!!! Strangely enough charges are not yet laid and "inauguration" is 15 days away!!! I guess with the current rush to lay thoses charges we ought to assume that he may not be ........ invited to the only inauguration organised by "occult" funds ........ ever.

Quid of constitutionnal references !!!!! They will bring an economics professeur and current president of the National assembly in the spotlight !!! Who need a man who can count at these time of "irrationnal exhuberance" to quote "the" former MAN!

This is what could be called a beautifull"e" coup dEtat!

Talking about the former MAN, I am wondering if all of this will avoid the downgrade of the US debt that a US company (Standart and Poors) has promised to its own governement!!!!!
Another upcoming "western" showdown where the "Licorne force" might be needed!!!!
Well, we won't bother with France! The are too busy with Aqmi, Morroco, Lybia and the upcoming depature of Sarkosy! They wont even see their own downgrade coming!
After all, with 85 percent of it won GDP already spent, what other option does those nations have than transforming themselves into imperialist and neo-esclavagist countries!

Ah! I almost forgot "My" Buddy Sarko 1er Roy de France! He might be the first to retire avoiding it own guillotine!
Who (then!) will be suprise to hear that he has retired in a "chocolate island! After all the Chocolates conglomerates have never had it so good since Houphopuet, Guei and or even the current "leader of the PDCI! ALl apparently did not want to do what the burkina-boy has agreed to do: Lower the prices by all MEANS NECESSARY!!!

Precision to the party speaking about the basis of teh revolution in Latin America. It was Petion (Ruler of Haiti) that gave to Bolivar shelter in 1815 when he was expelled from "british" JAMAICA! He also gave to him ammunitions, guns and "mobile" printery!!! He was supposed to, in return, bring back to HAITI all the slaves that he would free in Latin America! Hence the reason why there is such a relation between todays Venezuela and Haiti!

 

GEOKS

12:21 AM ET

May 1, 2011

Thank you President Mbeki

I had the honor meeting President Mandela in year 2000 when I was a college student in Beijing China. It was thrilling to see a man with great courage back then and it is thrilling to see his successor speaking out with great courage now.
"the shameless pretence that it was acting to protect civilians." How well put. France and Ban Ki-Moon shatter the credibility of UN overnight.
I was a pro-democracy kid when the Tiananmen square massacre happened, and I'm still a supporter of Dr. Xiaobo Liu today. Now an American-trained Ph.D, I've been disillusioned by Western 'Democratic' Powers just over the past a few months. They can put the most sacred pretense over their nasty purposes.
I will warn and prepare my people: the powerplay of Western 'Democratic' Powers is not that different from 100 years ago. The loss of fragile international trust and bargaining rhetoric could gradually lead to world wars.

 

AARONJA

4:42 AM ET

May 1, 2011

ECOWAS versus South Africa

South Africa's meddling in this situation undermined the efforts by Nigeria and the rest of ECOWAS to resolve this problem.
It is South Africa's desire to become leader of the whole of Africa, in the face of Nigeria and other African nations, not UN intervention which is the real problem here.

 

PHILANI LUBANYANA

8:12 AM ET

May 6, 2011

This is an African Century...

It is fallacious and mischievous that South Africa has got a desire to lead Africa, our desire and dream is see Africa taking her rightful place in global affairs and prospering economically. This is an African century we must claim it and own it.Philani@Durban.South Africa

 

WAWIZLE

4:53 AM ET

May 1, 2011

What Mr. Mbeki missed

Cote d'Ivoire's relations with the U.S. have traditionally been excellent, but Section 608 restrictions have curtailed non humanitarian aid following the December 1999 military coup. The restrictions were not lifted following the 2000 elections due to questionable governmental interference before and during the election.

Looking toward the country's future, the fundamental issue is whether its political system following the upheavals of recent years will provide for enduring stability, which is critical for investor confidence and further economic development. The political system in Cote d'Ivoire is president-dominated. The prime minister concentrates principally on coordinating and implementing the 2007 Ouagadougou Political Agreement.
Whether further democratic reform will take place, adequate to meet future challenges, is unknown. As is generally true in the region, the business environment is one in which personal contact and connections remain important, where rule of law does not prevail with assurance, and where the legislative and judicial branches of the government remain weak. The political system is becoming less centralized, with the president stepping out of his role as ruling party leader, while attempting to decentralize many legislative functions. President Gbagbo has promised less executive interference in the judicial system, but it still lacks basic strength and independence.

 

JEAN KAPENDA

8:14 AM ET

May 1, 2011

I Agree! Democracy or Republic? Africans Have to Choose!

Once upon a time, Simon Bolivar, inspired by the US Revolution, started his own and liberated a good chunk of South America. Ironically, he became a dictator! Why? There are just two models for modern society: a republic or a democracy. Let's start with a republic, which I also call "democracy elevated". It's a political system based on representation as well. However, the president is not viewed nor acts as a king. The system is highly decentralized and individuals' rights are protected against abuse by local and national leaders within an effective check-and-balance system. It is a cradle of freedoms, and a nation that intends to build it will enjoy everlasting prosperity and dominion over the rest of the world for freedoms are the driving engine of prosperity. Now, let's turn to what is commonly known as "democracy". Some call it "guillotine", a system of representation centered on the "strongman", i.e., the president (or even prime minister), who tends to dominate the entire political environment and becomes what I love to call "a king without a throne". Chavez, Putin, and many others I do not want to name, you got it! Where is Africa heading to "after" its tyrannies? Evidence shows that the idea of the "strongman" still circulates around, making after tyranny resemble to tyranny in some ways. That road leads inevitably to tyranny and chaos. Remember Simon Bolivar story at the beginning? Solution: start building a republic and you decentralize as I've said it tons of times on Foreign Policy giving back the power to the people and you make sure no despot arises at local level either. Without effective check-and-balance systems between the three branches of government, African emerging democracies are doomed to failure!

 

DR.SPARK

8:48 AM ET

May 1, 2011

An in depth analysis of UN Secretary General weakness

Thank you Mr. Mbeki,
It is high time to hear the concerns of African Leaders, who for decades had to fight for their independence and self determination against all kind of maneuvers of the ruling elites and its financial,military, economic supporters who continue to regard the African continent, as a "pie", which has not as of yet lost its taste for former colonial powers. Its sad to read that a Secretary Generalof the United Nations, like Mr. Ban Ki.moon, acts in open contradiction to the Letter and Spirit of the United Nations Charter, by permitting the envoy of U.N. , his fellow South Korean, SRSG Young-jin Choi, to openly take sides in a conflict, which for years has not been solved, due to the open and covert intervention of the former colonial power France, foreign financial interests, which supported one side in the conflict, without any decision of the World Organization. Year after year, the United Nations is misused by its South Korean Secretary General, for raising tensions, military interventions, instead of working for finding future oriented, longstanding solutions by peaceful means, in particular using the good offices and services of the regional African organization and recognized leaders of the African continent. The double standards of the Secretary General of the UN Ban Kin-Moon are very well exposed, by Mr Mbecki. But what is the reaction of the UNSG?
Unfortunately those unsanctioned by the GA or the SC of the UN actions of an Secretary General of the UN, who by his own word likes "quite, secret diplomacy ", instead of solving problems, are opening the way for a notorious old colonial subjugation by an puppet of a former colonial power. By the way its high time that the South Korean Secretary General of the UN publishes all his unauthorized by the General Assembly or the Security Council of the United Nations "secret diplomacy" actions, immediately. Once again Mr. Mbeki, thank you!!!! Its not the First Time that United Nations staff and a Secretary General of the United Nations are supporting or supported former Colonial Powers! Remember the destiny of the Unforgettable Patrice Lumumba! Today only the Mercenaries have changed! Your thoughtful article should be brought to the Attention of he President of the ongoing and coming General Assembly Sessions and to the Security Council of the United Nations... The fight goes on!!!

 

JOHN HOLYFIELD

12:21 PM ET

May 1, 2011

UN’s Security Role in Côte d'Ivoire is Commendable in my Opinion

I trust in soft diplomacy more than hard diplomacy. I believe that, more can be done through peaceful means in solving a problem or addressing an issue that threatens to bring war or conflict between different interest groups in a country or region. Base on that, I consider any form of international diplomacy (UN mediation, negotiation, peacekeeping team) that warrants the use of ‘extreme coercive measures’ like using arms to over-throw a government in order to install another leader as a failed diplomatic mission, with the deployment of SAP transaction codes. Such measures often claim innocent lives, destroy properties and contribute to taking away the peace of people in the society, all in the name of collateral damages. It is on this note that UN, AU, ECOWAS should be commended for averting a sheer civil war in Ivory Coast. Although, from December 2010 to April 2011 that Gbagbo’s leadership was finally incapacitated, lives were lost, properties were destroyed and peace went into comma; however, the magnitude of damage can not be compared to what Ivoirians could have experienced if the issue resulted in a complete civil war.

All that United Nations (UN) needs to do in this process is to offer continuous support to other African nations who desire and are working toward a positive change to better the lives of their populace. On the whole, the role of UN in Ivory Coast is commendable. Hopefully, other African leaders thinking of power sharing deal after losing elections will take note.

At this point, one can proudly say that African politics is currently under-going changes that will eventually make the continent an endearing place to live, work or visit by foreigners without second thought. The role of the United Nations is to continue to support this change for transformation to take place.

 

MERZUAH

2:22 PM ET

May 1, 2011

Mbeki Undermining ECOWAS

Thabo Mbeki believes that the United Nations did not give the AU more time to resolve the issue. The question is did Mbeki give the regional body more time to find a regional solution to the problem. No because he disagrees with the outcome of what the ECOWAS leaders came up with his reference to the AU. Did the eminent members of the AU at the end of their Facts findings and deliberationS come out differently than what ECOWAS came up with. Despite all the short comings all parties agreed to the modalities of the elections for which Mbeki was part of. At the end of the day Gbagbo lost the elections by all and sundry who supervised the elections. Gbagbo was using subtefuge means to pepertuate his stay in power to the very agreement he signed before Mbeki in 2005 in south africa. It is not suprising that Mbeki is becoming irrelevant in african affairs.

 

DèGBô

7:35 AM ET

May 5, 2011

Mister Mbeki nows well the file

Merzuah sorry to tell you that you are totally wrong! Your analysis prove that your are under strong disinformation made by international media!
Gbagbo has not lost the election, and he has never uses any monkey plan to pepertuate his stay in power.
was an électoral dispute and GBAGBO just told that the best way to solve this dispute is to recount the vote. Only that should take maximum one week and the truth would then arise. No need to fight, no need to kill people. Now ouattara has made a putsch with the help of french army. ouattara has no legality to stay in power and he should be kicked off by his own medecine!
We in abidjan are living under or in a real dictatorship, since arrival of this man: real terror and no freedom anymore: all oposition leaders are in jail, no oposition news paper, everyday discrimanation for these that are not same ethnic group like ouattara. This is the reality that no international media shows!
Mister Mbeki nows well the file he is speaking of for he was deeply implied in solving this since years ago so wasn't the case for many people that are commenting here and that has information through the lies of media!

 

XAVIEROUMAR

8:58 AM ET

May 3, 2011

Thanks Mr President

President Mbeki has pointed out the real issue. For those who think that he undermined ECOWAS action please look for his first report he wrote few days after the post electoral conflict started in December 2010. He was send as mediator by AU and they ignored his report. AU ignored also the report of their own electoral observers led by Mr Koffigoh former Prime Minister of Togo. And ECOWAS you are talking about wrote this on 2nd December 2010 (can be viewed on ECOWAS website): "ECOWAS is concerned with the renewal of tension which, since the second round of the presidential election on 28 November 2010 seemed to have marred the serene atmosphere at the conclusion of the electoral process. Consequently, ECOWAS recalls the incidents that disrupted or prevented citizens from expressing their voting rights, particularly in some areas in the North of the country, which are to be vehemently condemned and culprits involved in such acts sanctioned in accordance with the laws of the land".
How can you explain the change in ECOWAS views after they affirmed that the election was not transparent in the north. The reasons of this change are elsewhere. ECOWAS observers never issued a report. How come?
President Mbeki asked the good question: How many blatant abuses of power will Africa and the rest of the developing world experience before the vision of a democratic system of global governance is realised?
Yesterday it was Ivory Coast, today it is Libya, which country is the next tomorrow. For how long are we going to watch the situation? 50 years after the s called "independence" we did not move. We need to act now otherwise the 50 years will be the same even worst.
Thanks President Mbeki, we still have great leaders in Africa.

 

PHILANI LUBANYANA

7:57 AM ET

May 6, 2011

UN Does Not Care About Africa

The crises in Ivory Coast and Libya have once again confirmed beyond reasonable doubt that UN does not care about Africa. As Africans we’ve been demanding that UN must be reformed and represent all members countries fairly but it is clear that we’ve been talking to the wall! The question is why Africa must continue to be a member when it interest is being overlooked? It is clear that UN is equal to US and few EU countries. The issue of Ivory Coast is a time bomb, the million dollar question is, when will it explode? We must thank our former President Mbeki for his brilliant article, Aluta Continua Zizi!.Philani@Durban. South Africa

 

AJABT

6:41 PM ET

May 6, 2011

very complex issue.

Thank you President Mbeki for your pertinent analysis.
I would like to offer my humble opinion from the perspective of a native of Cote d'Ivoire.
I lived in Cote d'Ivoire in the 60's and 70's, and was a beneficiary of "the ivorian miracle" under the first president, félix Houphouet-Boigny. Inded I benefited from an excellent public education,which no private school could match . lived in a very safe and modern city with infrastructures non existent in subsahara africa except for South Africa. Cote d'Ivoire was a very special and unique place.The school system was a great equalizer: every child had the same chance to succeed regardless of his social status. The open door immigration policy,and the opportunities afforded to foreigners were unmatched in Africa, maybe in the world.....
It pains me greatly, to helplessly witness what's happening today in
my country....
The problem in Cote D'ivoire is very complex, unfortunately each side is so determined to be right,(I have no dog in this fight)that they fail to see the big picture: the welfare of the ivorians. No one is absolutely right in this coflict. I will attempt to sum up a complex issue in a few sentences.
For a long time Mr Ouattara , along with people from the north,were harassed from not beeing "true ivorians". It understandably created o lot of frustrations....
I would be blunt and venture to say that, Mr Ouatara would never had been allowed to take part in the election, had the rebellion not occured.... He did not have a choice,...that 's the sad reality..
Whether, that was the right method or not , is cause for a debate .....and above my pay grade.
Mr gbagbo was furious at Mr Ouattara for "sabotaging" his presidency and was determined to "make him pay for it".
This is the simplified version of the problem.
Now, it is for you to decide, whether ,Mr Ouattara should have accepted the reccount of the votes, or Mr Gbagbo stepped down , when the entire world community asked him to do so, especially when he did not have the means to fight it.

 

DOR

4:58 PM ET

May 9, 2011

Gbagbo signed agreement empowering UN to certify the elections

Gbagbo signed the 2007 Ouagadougou accord which empowered the UN mission to certify the electoral results. Without UN certification, the Constitional Court did not have the authority to single-handedly nullify the second round of voting. Additionally, Ouattara won vast majorities during the first round of voting in northern constituencies, and those results were certified by the constitional council. Yet, after the second round the Constitional Council nullified similar results saying they were fraudulently obtained. Why did they discredit votes in the second round that seemed to align with trends they certified in the initial round of voting?

But this is besides the point. Gbagbo was once again looking for any pretext to undermine legitimate democratic processes and hang on to power - as he has done for 10 years. The international community displayed great unity in standing by a legitimate and accountable electoral process - setting valuable precedent for the many upcoming elections around Africa.

 

JIBRAN_PCC

1:28 AM ET

May 11, 2011

I am very familiar with

I am very familiar with dictatorships and its mobcracies, transition to democracy and democracy consolidation, and the republican form of government. You have noticed that I've coined a new term "the mobcracy" to avoid any confusion with “democracy”. gold price per gramAs you know, there are tons of mobsters camouflaged as presidents in Africa who still spray or are planning to spray their opponents on the face with tear gas! I will use these lines as a teaching moment about democracy for current and future African President Mbeki asked the good question: How many blatant abuses of power will Africa and the rest of the developing world experience before the vision of a democratic system of global governance is realised?

 

WGALLEGO680

2:04 PM ET

May 28, 2011

What the World Got Wrong in Côte D'Ivoire

Good Point: Cote d'Ivoire's relations with the U.S. have traditionally been excellent, but Section 608 restrictions have curtailed non humanitarian aid following the December 1999 military coup. The restrictions were not lifted following the 2000 elections due to questionable governmental interference before and during the election. psoriasis When officials at the Royal Norwegian Embassy in Abidjan requested me in mid-January 2011 to meet with Mr. Rise, they introduced him as a former member of the Norwegian Parliament on a private visit to Cote d'Ivoire to see his 'friend', Mr. Laurent Gbagbo, who had expressed the wish to be briefed by officials of the United Nations Operation in Cote d'Ivoire (UNOCI) on the human rights situation in the country. As director of UNOCI's Human Rights Division, I received Mr. Rise in my office on 17 January in the presence of two officials of the Norwegian Embassy - the Ambassador and one Political Affairs Officer.

 

WISHFUL223

11:31 PM ET

May 29, 2011

Many things have gone radically wrong

You say that many things have gone radically wrong along the road to this result and that the agreements relating to what needed to be done to create conditions for free and fair elections were wilfully and contemptuously ignored. This does seem to be true in fact. websitemarketingexperts can look at both sides. This has to be seen in this case too. That is my opinion.