Interview: Álvaro Uribe

Colombia's former president tells FP how his country came back from the brink, why he's staying in politics, and why it's dangerous (but worth it) to be on Twitter.

INTERVIEW BY ELIZABETH DICKINSON | MAY 17, 2011

FP: You have recently sparred with President Santos about the inclusion of the terminology "armed conflict" in the Victims Law currently under consideration in Congress. Why is this distinction important?

AU: I will speak to you in political terms. In Latin America in the past, we used to speak about insurgency and domestic conflict. These two concepts had a heavy burden of political meaning. In some degree, these two concepts gave legitimacy to the fight of guerrillas against dictators. This has not been the case of Colombia. In Colombia, these criminal groups have a vendetta against the rule of law, against the [oldest] democracy in the continent. This is one reason we call them terrorists, not to recognize them with any legitimacy as political players.

The other reason [is if you] compare the [Colombian] groups with other Latin American guerrillas, the others never financed themselves with narcotrafficking. Ours did. And of course, when we have certain neighboring governments [that give] speeches of acknowledgment -- complimentary speeches to our violent groups -- if we recognize these groups as political players, to some degree, we authorize implicitly the neighboring governments to ask for the recognition of that status as legitimacy for these groups.

[Finally,] there are countries -- the United States, Europe, or Canada -- that have signaled these groups as terrorists. If we give these groups any political meaning, these countries could be disconcerted. Other countries could become mute.

FP: In the United States, some would consider it a bit out of place for a former president to be actively commenting on the administration of his predecessor. What role do you see yourself playing now in Colombian politics?

AU: We were in government with three main policies: democratic security, investment promotion, and social cohesion. All my life, I have always heard politicians speaking about social investment [after leaving office]. But they seldom spoke about democratic security or investment promotion. Therefore, these are two ideas that have been recently included in the main priorities of the Colombian political agenda.

I am thankful because my fellow Colombians allowed me to be president twice. Therefore, while I am healthy, I have to work for these ideas because I consider that these ideas to be very positive for my country as a whole.

FP: Is this also the motivation behind the talleres democráticos, the consultative meetings you have been holding throughout the country?

AU: Yes, but not only, because in October we are going to hold regional elections for governors and mayors, and it is very important to work the agenda of public policies with those wanting to become candidates. The more we involve the people in the agenda, the more people will go with much more consciousness to the ballots. And the more the consciousness at the ballots, the better the people [will be able] to follow up [on the performance of] the elected incumbent.

FP: By some measures, there has recently been an uptick in violence in urban parts of Colombia, associated with the emergence of the so-called Bacrim (bandas criminales emergentes). Do you believe this is the case? What's going on?

AU: This is one of the reasons for my permanent involvement in politics. I said to my fellow citizens that Colombia was going to take much longer time [than my presidency] to restore security. We have lived [through] many, many years of criminality. "Bacrims" are criminal gangs dedicated to narcotrafficking, blackmailing, extortion, killings, and kidnapping. What is their difference from the paramilitary groups? They have no political motivation. The paramilitary groups were established to fight guerrillas. In this case, we have seen that in many regions of the country, there is a coalition between Bacrim and guerrillas.

The Colombian police have said that 50 percent of Bacrim kingpins are people who were demobilized in the past. And 11 percent of the total organization is composed of those who were demobilized. During our administration, we had demobilization of 23,000 members of the terrorist groups, with between a 7 and 10 percent relapse. As a percentage, it is low. But as an absolute number, it is very high. I am concerned because we always said, we need to generously receive people wanting to desert criminal groups and reinsert into constitutional life. We have to be generous to them as [we are] strong to fight those who are reoccurring in crimes. For I have said that our armed forces, the police and the military forces, have to fight Bacrims with all the initiative, with all the strength.

EITAN ABRAMOVICH/AFP

 

Álvaro Uribe was president of Colombia from 2002 to 2010.

Elizabeth Dickinson is projects editor at Foreign Policy.

SMARZOTAIS

6:19 AM ET

May 18, 2011

Uribe FTW!

Lived in Colombia for a while during his presidency and all I gotta say is that Uribe is a fine president for any country! I only wish my AmericaDelSur T-Shirt with hi face and the words "Yo reinare" was still wearable. Anyone who can not only hold a country like Colombia together but improve it significantly while simultaneously fighting a long-running, exhausting guerilla civil war in his backyard is up there on par with the world's most exceptional leaders. Lula is just a silly man who tried to worm Brazil onto the diplomatic grand stage by negotiating pointlessly with the naughty personages of the world thereby undermining already existing diplomatic efforts.

 

XMASTER4000

11:18 AM ET

May 18, 2011

Respect

We colombians owe our country's future to that man's hard work in the presidency, as he brought the country back from the brink of collapse in little less than 8 years. I have great gratitude and respect towards him, although we all have come to akwnoledge his character flaws, some flawed actions, his omisions, and his management limitations. Still, I have no doubt that without a leadership like his my country wouldn't have been able to overcome the great crises that we were in nor advance towards the end of our civil conflict.

 

MATT PETELICKY

6:11 PM ET

June 14, 2011

By 2003, the U.S. had been

By 2003, the U.S. had been gored by its ex-colaborator Osama and focussed all attention towards the Near East and Afghanistan. This allowed the "break-out" of Brazil and others in South America, out of the immediate control by the USA. Part of the meeting at the "center" between right and left - in Brazil sázkové kanceláre and others in South America, was the tacit agreement that "guerrilla warfare" is - as Chavez is said to have remarked in 2008: "Out of fashion". Santos understood that, and Lula and Nestor Kirchner urged Chavez to go the extra mile to normalize relations with Colombia. The recent extraditions from Venezuela to Colombia have sealed that normalization. In Colombia, the agro-exporters were eager to push the government to accept the initiative sázkové kanceláre from Venezuela - because agro-exports from Brazil are increasingly substituting food imports from Colombia. But with the new international economic constellation - the high demand for minerals, oil, and agro-exports - to China and the Arabic world - there is opportunity for all in South America to become masters of their destiny -without "advice" from the USA and permission on a case-by-case basis from U.S. Congress. That explains, why South America in general - including Colombia.

 

PERSON_GUYZ

2:43 PM ET

June 16, 2011

The cheap interest rate

The cheap interest rate initiated by Greenspan in the early 1990's and continued under his heir - up to today, drove the U.S. into the 2001 stock bubble burst - which took half of the assets of the investing U.S . middle class (the Dow and Nasdac are in May 2011 exactly at the 2001 summit), and then repeated the sensational expropriation of the U.S. middle class with the 2007 real estate tsunami. Finally - Osama the ex-U.S. guerrillero and the Israeli-occupied U.S.