LONDON — Buildings are charred and shops barricaded closed. Helicopters circle low overhead. London's prison cells are all full. Police are flooding the streets of the capital. For four days now, mobs have run amok in multiple areas across this city, looting, brawling, and terrorizing people.
As a mob stormed through a warm Monday night on a west London street, restaurants locked their doors and diners headed home early.
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"There's just a lot of very frustrated, very fed up, young guys around," reflected Logan Wilmont, an advertising director from Belfast, which has certainly seen its own fair share of unrest. "They're living at a time where they can't have anything. We're living in a broken moment."
British Prime Minister David Cameron and London Mayor Boris Johnson have characterized the recent events as wholly criminal. "This is criminality pure and simple, and it has to be confronted and defeated," Cameron told reporters from outside his residence at 10 Downing Street. On a visit to the riot-hit south London suburb of Clapham, Johnson said to residents, "It's time we heard a little bit less about the sociological justifications for what is in my view nothing less than wanton criminality."
That's understandable language when leaders need to look tough, but elsewhere, questions are being asked about the underlying social and economic factors that could have prompted this unrest. Opposition politicians were quick to make connections between the social unrest and government policy. In an interview with BBC, Harriet Harman, deputy leader of the Labour Party, suggested recent cuts to government spending on higher education could have been a motivating factor in the violence. Johnson's left-leaning predecessor, Ken "Red" Livingstone, talked about a bleak world for many of London's poorest youths, "This is the first generation since the Great Depression that have doubts about their future," he said in an interview.
What happened in London -- and is now happening in Birmingham and Manchester -- is not an obviously political protest; there are no banners on display, no clear demands being made. But it's not simply a large-scale crime wave either. The perpetrators -- mostly young men and women (some as young as 11) -- acted in public. This was deliberate antagonism under the glare of media spotlight. They smashed windows and stole goods as the television cameras rolled, knowing that their actions would be captured on Britain's extensive network of closed-circuit televisions. So what touched off such wanton destruction?
Race certainly plays a role, as the violence spun out of a protest over the police killing of a 29-year-old black man, Mark Duggan, in the north London suburb of Tottenham on Aug. 4. Much of the subsequent civil disobedience was directed against London's Metropolitan Police, which in recent years has experienced prickly relations with the city's Afro-Caribbean community. But this was not a race riot; it included people from a range of backgrounds and ethnicities, who were without any unified ideological cause.
For many at both ends of the political spectrum, this was the latest episode in the slow unraveling of the social order in Britain. The police may have restored a modicum of order to the city, but the riots brought to the fore a small segment of society usually in the shadows: a troubled underclass wracked by bubbling discontent and growing lawlessness. Public opinion of the riots is increasingly polarized. Right-leaning newspapers in Britain regularly report on the anti-social behavior of what are often described as "feral youth": poor, unemployed young people often from minority backgrounds who conduct campaigns of petty crime and harassment within their own communities. But for others, the anarchic behavior points to a deeper discontent and raises doubts about whether the austerity budget recently introduced by the new coalition government is politically sustainable.
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