Mogadishu on the Mediterranean?

Muammar al-Qaddafi is dead. Now comes the hard part -- preventing Libya from turning into another Somalia.

BY CHRISTIAN CARYL | OCTOBER 20, 2011

While fireworks light up the skies of Tripoli and Libyans dance in the street, a note of caution is now in order. Simply removing a dictator is not an automatic cure-all for a society long terrorized. Yes, toppling a tyrant can pave the way toward viable democracy; and there are many examples -- from Chile to the Philippines.

But there are also less inspiring ones. In 1991, the man who had ruled Somalia in brutal style for 22 years -- Mohammed Siad Barre -- fell from power. He died four years later in exile in Kenya, by then completely irrelevant to the fate of his country.

Somalis took little consolation in his departure. The collapse of Barre's highly personalized tyranny gave way to a power vacuum that continues to this day. Long-suppressed rivalries of clan and tribe broke into the open and tore the place apart.

Mogadishu is a good distance from Tripoli, of course. But that hasn't stopped some people from worrying about possible parallels. "One of our biggest concerns is Libya descending into chaos and becoming a giant Somalia," Secretary of State Hillary Clinton told the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee back in early March -- a note struck by Director of National Intelligence James Clapper in his own Capitol Hill testimony a few days later, when he worried aloud about a "Somalia-like situation" ensuing in place of Qaddafi's rule.

It is understandable why the comparison presents itself. Libya has existed as a modern, unified state only since 1951. Tribal divisions persist. (The defection early in the rebellion of the one-million-strong Warfalla tribe, a mainstay of the old regime, was viewed as a near-fatal blow to Qaddafi; its members now play a prominent role in the opposition.) The rebellion against Qaddafi's rule has been very much a localized and fragmented affair, breeding a new class of powerful militia commanders like Abd al-Hakim Belhaj, the ex-Islamist leader who led the assault on Qaddafi's Tripoli compound in August, or Fawzi Bukatif, who publicly refused to integrate his powerful February 17 Brigade  into a national army.

The members of the National Transitional Council (NTC), Libya's government-in-waiting, have been saying for months that the war against Qaddafi had to be completely won before there the country could move on to the difficult task of building a new one, based on democratic norms.

"Now the clock starts ticking," says Stanford political science professor James Fearon. And this is where it gets tricky. Libya's new leaders no longer have their hatred of Qaddafi to unify them; from here on out they'll have to focus on building solid political institutions that can resolve the tensions within society.

PEDRO UGARTE/AFP/Getty Images

 SUBJECTS: SOMALIA, LIBYA, DEMOCRACY, AFRICA
 

Christian Caryl is a contributing editor at Foreign Policy and a senior fellow at the Legatum Institute.

THE-INTERN

3:48 AM ET

October 21, 2011

What about the economic factor?

Off the top of my head, this prediction is unlikely to hold for one simple reason:

Libya is one of the wealthiest countries in North Africa.

This wealth is concentrated in a middle class that will favour stability above all, and Libya is likely to want to strengthen links to the international arena now that Qaddafi is gone. Somalia is an incredibly poor, isolated country with a fragmented power structure.

In 2010, Libyan GDP per capita was $14,000, more than twice that of Egypt ($6,200). Somalia's GDP pc was $600.

(Source: CIA Factbook)
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/so.html
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ly.html
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/eg.html

 

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ABDIBIDHAAN

8:22 AM ET

October 21, 2011

The Other Horn of Africa

The Other Horn of Africa
By Ahmed M. Mohamoud "Silanyo"*
October 20, 2011

HARGEISA – Drought, famine, refugees, piracy, and the violence and terrorism endemic to the shattered city of Mogadishu, a capital ruined by civil war: these are the images that flash through peoples’ minds nowadays when they think of the Horn of Africa. Such perceptions, however, are not only tragically one-sided; they are short-sighted and dangerous.
Behind the stock images of a region trapped in chaos and despair, economies are growing, reform is increasingly embraced, and governance is improving. Moreover, with Yemen’s government imploding across the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa’s strategic significance for maritime oil transport has become a primary global security concern. In short, the Horn of Africa is too important to ignore or to misunderstand.

Of course, no one should gainsay the importance of combating famine, piracy, and terrorist groups like the radical and murderous Al-Shabaab. But, at the same time, we have seen my homeland, Somaliland, witness its third consecutive free, fair, and contested presidential election. And Ethiopia has emerged as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, with GDP up 10.9% year on year in 2010-2011, rivaling China and leading Africa. Indeed, Ethiopia is one of the few countries in the world poised to meet the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals on time and in full in 2015.

In the wider region, too, things are looking up. South Sudan gained its independence this July at the ballot box. And Uganda has discovered large new deposits of oil and gas that will help to lift its economy.

All of these changes reflect the fact that the Horn of Africa’s peoples are no longer willing to be passive victims of fate and their harsh physical environment. On the contrary, they are determined to shape their destinies through modernization, investment, and improved governance.

After decades of stable enmities, the peoples and nations of the Horn of Africa are learning how to cooperate and align their interests. For example, Somaliland and Ethiopia are collaborating on the construction of a gas-export pipeline from Ethiopia’s Ogaden region, promising new jobs and income for people in one of the poorest and least developed parts of the world.

Although there is much that we can and will do to help ourselves, the Horn of Africa can still benefit from international assistance. But the international community needs to do more than provide food and medicine to victims of famine and drought. Necessary as that is, we need pro-growth investments that will help provide jobs for our peoples and products and resources for the world. That means focusing on promoting market economies and stable government, rather than subsidizing failure and failed states.

Unfortunately, at least with respect to Somaliland, this is not the case. For 20 years, ever since we re-established our independence – we had voluntarily joined with Italian Somaliland to form Somalia in 1960 – the international community has closed its eyes to the successful democracy that we have built. Even more perverse, it appears to be demanding that we abandon the peaceful, tolerant society that we have established and submit to the control of whatever government – if there even is one – rules (or misrules) the remainder of Somalia from the rubble of Mogadishu.

Our successful democratic experiment is being ignored in part because of a hoary ruling a half-century ago by the Organization of African Unity, the precursor to today’s African Union. Back then, with the recent demise of the colonial empires stoking fears of tribal rivalries and countless civil wars, the OAU ruled that the frontiers drawn up by the imperial powers should be respected in perpetuity.

That taboo still claims routine support from many African leaders. And yet Eritrea’s secession from Ethiopia did not lead to other breakaway movements in Africa. Likewise, South Sudan’s peaceful, and internationally supported, separation from Sudan has not led to new calls for Africa’s borders to be redrawn.

A 2005 report by Patrick Mazimhaka, a former AU deputy chairman, cast heavy doubt on the application of this rule in Somaliland. As Mazimhaka pointed out, the union in 1960 between Somaliland and Somalia, following the withdrawal of the British and Italian colonial powers, was never formally ratified. But his report has been left in a drawer ever since.

So when should a people be able to declare their independence and gain international recognition? The Palestinians’ decision to take their case to the UN has put this issue on the front burner. International law is of no help here; indeed, the World Court has offered only scant guidance.

·
Secession should not result from foreign intervention, and the barriers for recognizing secession must be high;
·
Independence should be recognized only if a clear majority (well over 50%-plus-one of the voters) have freely chosen it, ideally in an unbiased referendum;
·
All minorities must be guaranteed decent treatment.
The basic principles that I believe should prevail, and which Somaliland meets, are the following:

All three of Somaliland’s parties adamantly support independence, confirmed overwhelmingly by a referendum in 2001. So there is no question of one clan or faction imposing independence on the others. Yet, although Somaliland is deepening its democracy each day, our people are paying a high price because of the lack of international recognition.

World Bank and European Union development money, for example, pours into the black hole that is Somalia, simply because it is the recognized government. Somalilanders, who are almost as numerous as the people of Somalia, are short-changed, getting only a fraction of the money invariably wasted by Somalia.

Justice demands that this change. The national interest of most of the world’s powers requires a Somaliland willing and able to provide security along its borders and in the seas off our coasts. Our people are willing. But, to paraphrase Winston Churchill, give us the tools, and the international recognition, so that we can finish the job.

_____

* Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud "Silanyo" is the President of Somaliland.

 

SARAAYE

5:21 PM ET

October 21, 2011

MR SIILAANYO, Forget Tribalism and Make the History

Dear Ahmed M. Mohamoud "Silanyo", the president of the so-called Somaliland, I understand you are campaigning for the recognition of Somaliland but there are so many, many lies (or may be errors) in your letter that need be corrected, for the sake of decency and justice:
• You said, “...there is no question of one clan or faction imposing independence on the others”. That is totally the opposite. The glaring fact is that non-Isaq clans, who comprise around 50% of the Somaliland population, oppose secession and even some of them are currently fighting Somaliland for that purpose like Dhulbahante SSC front, whose Chairman declared hundred times that they are fighting for independence from ISAQ CLAN, while others (Warsengeli and Gedabursi) decided to remain calm for their security for the time being until a viable Somalia government is formed or things change. To prove this, ask the diaspora of these non-Isaq clans who are outside of Somaliland about their positions of the secession issue, they will say no because they are safe abroad while those in the country disguise themselves as Somaliland loyalists, for safety grounds. Moreover, there are some Isaq clans who also oppose seccession like Garhajis as well as most of the intellectual elite.

After all, the country is half and half for those who want secession and for those who want to remain part of Somalia. There are 12 administrative regions in Somaliland: 5 are ISAQ (Hargaisa, Burao, Berbera, Oodweyne, Ainabo/Saraar); 5 are NON-ISAQ: Las’anod, Borama, Zaila’, Buhotleh, Badhan); while 2 are mixed (Erigavo and Gebiley)

• The international community is not “short-sighted and dangerous”, as you put it, but they know their interests and they cannot not accept injustice and domination of people by other people.

• Be fair and treat people the way you want to be treated. You know you fought and toppled down Siyad Barre’s government simply because (other things being equal) he did not belong to your clan (Isaq). He was a Daarood. And now you are trying to divide the country and take part of the Daaroods and rule them by force!

FINALLY WE WELCOME YOU, AS A RECOGNIZED STATESMAN, TO BE THE PRESIDENT OF SOMALIA AS A WHOLE + THE RIGHT TO CHANGE CAPITAL IF YOU WISH. WELCOME SILANYO. FORGET CLAN FIEFDOMS AND MAKE THE HISTORY!

 

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October 23, 2011

Libya turning into another Somalia.?

IN all probabilit NO. NO not because of the OIL wealth Libya has, but because we hope that the U.S has learned her lesson from the ouster of the Union of Islamic Courts in Somalia. Has the U.S not been so obsessed with Islam, the al Shabab militia would have remained irrelevant. Now the Libyans have declared the Sharia as their source of Legislation and IF only IF the U.S keepsd out can the Libyans sort themselves out and bring the disparate militias under control and from the re build a National Army that can support civil Instituitions that hitherto do not exist really.

 

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Thats false reporting. The Warfallah Tribe did not defect. They were one of the reasons it was so hard to enter Ban Walid. Get your facts straight.

Ghadafi had and still has a crazy amount of loyalists. NATO commited Genocide. 9500 bombing missions by 3 out of the 5 World Superpowers. Horrible.

 

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