The Skyscraper Slums of Caracas

How Hugo Chávez built a squatter city in his backyard.

BY PETER WILSON | JANUARY 6, 2012

Campos say she and others have sought clarification from the government as to what the mall's ultimate use will be. The unspoken fear is that the mall will become a permanent refugee center, taking in the country's homeless during Venezuela's annual rainy season.

"They have changed their minds so many times and have proposed so many things, including locating the state morgue in the building." She laughs nervously. "We ask them and they won't tell us. We have no input; we have no say. There is no coordination, no plan."

La Candelaria neighborhood has become a battleground between the haves and have-nots. Within a 1 square-kilometer zone of the neighborhood, 24 buildings have been expropriated by the government or invaded by the country's homeless.

Among the latter is Edificio Confinanzas, or as it is better known, Torre de David -- David's Tower.

The 45-story skyscraper, which is a stone's throw from the headquarters of two of Venezuela's largest banks, Banco Mercantil and Banco Provincial, was originally supposed to house offices, shops, and commercial space. But the owner -- David Brillembourg -- died in 1993 before the building was completed, and it passed to his banks. One year later, the government seized the tower when the banks went bust in a financial crisis. It was invaded by 200 families in October 2007 when it was 60 percent complete. Today, it's home to nearly 3,000 people living in makeshift housing on the first 27 floors.

The tower, from a distance, cuts the sky with its sharp lines -- in bold contrast with the squat profiles of its neighboring skyscrapers, which date from the 1970s. Up close, a different picture emerges. Many of the tower's bottom floors have been closed in with brick-red cinder blocks as residents have sought to carve out makeshift homes, while protecting their children from falling to their deaths. TV satellite dishes stud the walls, giving the building a surreal appearance.

They may have cable, but basic services, such as elevators, are lacking. Neighbors say the building houses drug dealers and prostitutes. Thugs take shelter there after committing crimes, and the police refuse to follow them. Security is provided by the residents themselves, who man the doors. I entered the building but was immediately asked to leave by one guard.

"You just can't walk in here like that. This is private property," he said, ignoring the irony in his statement.

The government has said little about the building and whether it will seek to evict the squatters. While they dither, neighbors fear that the situation will only worsen and that the "vertical slum" -- as they call it -- will become permanent.

Chávez, who is running for reelection next year, has always made solving the country's housing shortage a priority, Genatios says. But decisions are taken haphazardly, and government inefficiency and corruption take a toll.

Caracas is particularly rife with problems due to its topography.

The city, which is built along a narrow valley, has little space for new housing, leading the poor to construct their makeshift homes on the slopes of the hills. When heavy rains occur, mudslides invariably happen. In 1999, thousands were killed when heavy rains ripped through the capital and surrounding region.

Some government decisions actually exacerbate the crisis, Genatios admitted. He gave the example of the government decision (greater Caracas is controlled by a governor appointed by Chávez) to expropriate a parking lot next to a long-standing restaurant. The lot was expropriated to provide a site for an apartment building for 40 people. The restaurant, which employed 60, was forced to close as a result, ultimately hurting more people than it helped. The apartment building has yet to be built.

"You can't make housing decisions based on political considerations," says Genatios. "You have to take into account other factors such as the services and the overall community picture." The government has also refused to allow municipalities to participate in the planning, especially when they are controlled by members of the opposition.

Ángela Bonadies & Juan José Olavarría

 SUBJECTS: LATIN AMERICA
 

Peter Wilson, a freelance journalist living in Venezuela, is writing a book about Hugo Chávez and his revolution.

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As the fifth largest nation in the world, Brazil is diverse not only in culture but is also clearly marked by social disparities. While the melodic rhythm of the Portuguese language and generous spirit of the people are enchanting, it is also the Brazilian people’s openness to share their lives that makes extremes of wealth and poverty so evident. After only a few rides on the public bus, one is privy to stories of the joys and tragedies of people’s lives. Likewise, no more than a few hours in one of Brazil’s major cities are necessary to observe firsthand the infamous slums beside skyscrapers or beachside resorts.
I first arrived in Brazil as a doctoral student in 1999 to carry out a pilot study for a research project that would eventually become part of my thesis in public health. This led to a number of visits over the course of the next four years to set up the study and oversee fieldwork. My purpose was to examine how the circumstances of caregivers, specifically informal social support and depression in mothers, might be related to child growth. This endeavor brought me to discover not only the world of research, but also the vibrant country of Brazil, full of complexity and contrasts.
According to the World Bank, Brazil consistently ranks among the top ten most unequal countries in the world in terms of income distribution. As I reflect on my experiences and what is particular to Brazil, I hope that my training as a researcher and my distance as a foreigner can provide some perspective. The focus of my research on the role of social conditions on the growth of infants and toddlers brought me to the most impoverished communities in one of the poorest states, located in the most economically depressed region of the country. The study was based in low-income neighborhoods of Teresina, Piauí, in northeast Brazil.
Because there were no direct flights to Teresina, my trips from Boston often extended over thirty hours door to door. Although I did not realize it at the time, many short visits in a short period—from home in Boston, to Southeast Brazil, and then back to Piauí—facilitated comparisons between these settings. If my experiences had been confined to the industrial southeast or southern regions, I certainly would have had a very different impression of Brazil. The research project in Piauí provided an unusual opportunity to enter the homes of a randomly selected sample of mothers over 15-years-old. Our study’s demographic statistics revealed that the average income in these households was approximately US $100 monthly, with 15 percent of the residents making less than $35 monthly. Seventy-seven percent of the mothers had completed less than an eighth grade education. Half of the families lacked a toilet and 46% lived in a house made of mud. Perhaps most surprising to me was that, despite these difficult conditions, hospitality and welcome were almost never lacking.
These hardships also created some challenges for the research team. Since study participants often lived on unnamed streets without addresses, creating maps was often the only way that we could locate and keep records of those we interviewed. Also, since many mothers had low literacy skills and almost no households in these neighborhoods had phones, in-person interviews were necessary to administer the questionnaires. Finally, household surveying was especially tough, given the weather in Teresina. Although there are dry and rainy seasons, it is always hot (often over 90°F). Confronting the heat on a daily basis to reach the houses and conduct the interviews (while carrying the anthropometric measuring devices and scales) was not easy.
What is quickly apparent is that inequalities in Brazil exist by socioeconomic status, ethnicity, and gender, and are also clearly demarcated by geographic region. The Northeast region has lower percentages of literacy, number of years of formal education, and the highest percentage of the population living in extreme poverty. Data from 1998 show that the South and Southeast regions provided 75% of Brazil’s gross national product. However, even without knowledge of the actual figures, one promptly senses this difference, noting that an equivalent meal is approximately double the price in São Paulo than in Teresina. These inequalities can be upsetting. On one of my stopovers on the way back to the US, I realized that the bill from dinner that I shared with several Brazilian researchers in São Paulo was approximately Brazil’s monthly minimum wage (i.e. more than the monthly salary of a family I had visited the day before). I began to wonder how much people think about these disparities and how they come to terms with them..
In terms of public health, there is ample reason to be concerned, since it is well known that poverty is almost always associated with poorer health. So it is not surprising that health statistics in Brazil clearly reflect regional economic differences. Although not the focus of our study, our findings supported the already-existing literature showing that poverty and inadequate sanitation are strong correlates of poor child physical growth. Child growth as a health indicator is extremely important. It reflects child wellbeing and nutrition and is intricately associated with child mortality as well as later physical and cognitive development. A report from the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística(IBGE) using 1990 census data indicated that the infant mortality rate in the northeast was more than double that of the Southeast and Southern regions. Likewise, a study published by Monteiro and collegues in 2002, summarizing data from 1996, showed that the prevalence of stunting in 1-4 year olds was more than ten times higher in the 25% poorest compared to the 25% richest in the Northeast region.
It is possible that regional identities in Brazil are accentuated by these geographical income disparities. Upon hearing my foreign accent when I spoke Portuguese, people often commented on it. To my surprise, this remark was followed by the question ‘Are you from São Paulo?’ Interestingly, it seemed that from the local perspective, the Southeast was as remote and foreign as another country. In one of our study neighborhoods, families urged me to meet the other “foreigner,” a nun living and working in the community. Upon meeting her, it became apparent that she was actually from the state of Rio Grande do Sul (the southernmost state in Brazil). Beyond the cultural and historical regional differences, it may be even harder for individuals to identify with people who differ greatly by lifestyle factors that are moderated by income. Perhaps this is a reason why regional identity is especially strong among the very poor. The poor who do not migrate for work seldom leave the region. For those who do pursue employment opportunities away from home, the identity gulf may be enlarged by the marginalization of low-income nordestinos when they arrive, for example, in the Southeast. Although there are strong historic and cultural differences across Brazil, it is likely that the economic and ethnic inequalities that track these geographic regions also strengthen their separ
There have been many initiatives aimed at reducing regional economic inequalities, especially over the last half century. These include governmental administrative reform at the end of the 1960’s, a series of specific programs during the 1970’s, the World Bank-funded Projeto Nordeste in the 1980’s, and more recent initiatives to attract investment in the region. Some current programs to improve children’s health include Brazil’s national Programa de Saúde da Familia (used as a basis for our pilot studies and targeted as part of our study sample) and the recent hunger reduction program, Fome Zero.
Since my first visit to Brazil almost ten years ago, many formal attempts have been made to improve public health and reduce economic inequalities. Undoubtedly, these programs have made some difference, but there is still a long way to go. I hope that my study, for which more data analysis is now underway, will make a small contribution to improving our understanding factors related to child growth in low-income settings like Piauí.
Pamela Surkan is a research fellow at Harvard School of Public Health, where she received a doctorate in 2005. Her thesis work in Brazil was partially supported by two travel grants from the Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies, where she was also a graduate research fellow. For more information, results from the first article have recently been published: Surkan PJ, Ryan LM, Vieira LM, Berkman LF, Peterson KE. Maternal social and psychological conditions and physical growth in low-income children in Piauí, Northeast Brazil. Social Science and Medicine 64(2): 375-388, 2007. A second article has been submitted to the American Journal of Public Health.

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January 7, 2012

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12:52 PM ET

January 7, 2012

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SMITHUK

11:46 AM ET

January 8, 2012

What is quickly apparent is

What is quickly apparent is that inequalities in Brazil exist by socioeconomic status, ethnicity, and gender, and are also clearly demarcated by geographic region.

 

YT75

12:33 PM ET

January 11, 2012

Skyscrapers and density

One shouldn't forget a very important thing : The fact that skyscrapers are "good generic shapes" to increase density at the scale of a city is simply a false myth, that is a lie (and especially true for housing, less for offices).
This was "formalized"(even if in a too simplified way at the time, basic results still stand) in the sixities by Leslie Martin and Lionel March in Cambridge, that is if you compare generic urbanism made of towers, slabs or courtyard buildings, using the same natural light constraints and with varying number of floors, it is false that the tower shape provides the best results, and all this is asymptotic anyway.

Or in other words, skyscrapers only "make sense" as a singularity, and the "increasing density mantra, the higher the better" is simply a "false moral excuse" in order to build them.

So wouldn't be surprised at all of this synchronicity between building some and financial crisis.

for details check two articles linked below(in english as pdf):
http://iiscn.wordpress.com/2011/05/15/densite-etages-lumiere/
(especially second one section 2 and 3)