The List

Latin Leaders Behaving Badly

Summits in Latin America may not achieve many concrete results, but they sure do keep us entertained.

The buildup to this weekend's sixth Summit of the Americas in Cartagena, Colombia, has been rife with drama. Ecuador's left-wing president, Rafael Correa, announced that he will skip the 34-country conference because it excludes Cuba, which does not belong to the Organization of American States (membership requirement: democracy). The presidents of El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua sparred publicly with the president of Guatemala over a drug legalization proposal. And not to be outdone, Cuba's Fidel Castro ridiculed U.S. President Barack Obama's reported plan to wear a guayabera -- a light tropical dress shirt originating in Cuba -- at the summit.

Yet for all the hoopla, the summit will likely produce little of substance. There are already reports that officials will sidestep hot-button issues such as drug policy and the sovereignty of the Falkland Islands. In fact, this is in keeping with the way these gatherings typically play out in Latin America, a land in which a dizzying array of acronymed intergovernmental organizations host an endless but ultimately empty parade of summits.

Sure, there have been some successes. The inaugural Summit of the Americas in 1994 marked a high point of goodwill between the United States and Latin American countries (Venezuela's Hugo Chávez and his like-minded allies had yet to assume power) and launched a proposal -- never realized -- for a free-trade bloc stretching from "Alaska to Argentina." The third Summit of the Americas in 2001 produced the Inter-American Democratic Charter, which emphasized the importance of democratic institutions in the Americas.

But the summits are more often remembered for temper tantrums and mischievous antics by government leaders -- with Chávez in particular at the center of many of the tempests. If past Latin American summits are any guide, we should expect some serious sparks to fly in Cartagena. Here are some of the least auspicious moments from summits past.

THE NO-SHOW

What: Ibero-American Summit

When: 2011

Where: Asunción, Paraguay

Meltdown: The annual gathering of leaders from the Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking nations of Europe and the Americas was marred by the absence of several heads of state, including Brazil's Dilma Rousseff and Argentina's Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, who claimed they had to prepare for an upcoming -- and implicitly more important -- G-20 summit in France.

The poor attendance -- and surely the optics of their king and prime minister mingling with lower level officials -- enraged Spanish news outlets, which deemed the summit a demoralizing failure. "The summit has become redundant for Latin American powers, who already have their own voice in other, more global forums," La Voz de Galicia lamented.

Not only that, but Correa, who booted a World Bank representative from the country in 2007 after the organization withheld an $100 million loan, stormed out of a speech by a World Bank official. "In an Ibero-American forum, why do I have to listen to lectures from the World Bank vice president, who openly blackmailed my country?" he asked, interrupting her presentation. Bolivia's Evo Morales stuck it to Spain shortly after the summit, suggesting that the forum was in its death throes and that Latin American countries shouldn't be "held accountable every year to the king" of Spain.

JORGE ROMERO/AFP/Getty Images

THE SHOUTING MATCH

What: Rio Group Summit

When: 2010

Where: Cancún, Mexico

Meltdown: This summit was supposed to produce yet another intergovernmental group that would exclude Canada and the United States and promote Latin American unity. But regional harmony was not in the cards. Chávez and then-Colombian President Álvaro Uribe -- already at odds over a U.S.-Colombian military agreement and alleged Venezuelan support for Colombian guerrillas -- clashed at lunch, with Uribe complaining about a Venezuelan trade embargo on Colombia and Chávez accusing Uribe of trying to assassinate him. The conversation only got worse as Cuba's Raúl Castro and Mexico's Felipe Calderón rushed to intervene:

Uribe: Be a man!... You're brave speaking at a distance, but a coward when it comes to talking face to face.

Chávez: Go to hell!

"I think that if the table hadn't been there as an obstacle, and our friends weren't sitting right there, that President Uribe physically would've attacked me," Chávez later reflected. A leaked U.S. diplomatic cable provided more color on the incident, noting that Venezuelan security officials had tussled with Mexican security guards in an effort to assist Chávez, and that the summit as a whole was "the worst expression of Banana Republic discourse."

BESHARA/MABROMATA/AFP/Getty Images

THE PASSIVE-AGGRESSIVE PRESENT

What: Summit of the Americas

When: 2009

Where: Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago

Meltdown: Is there such a thing as an underhanded gift? If so, that's what Chávez gave Obama when he presented him with Las Venas Abiertas de América Latina, or "The Open Veins of Latin America," during their first meeting after Obama's election. The book, which, within days of the exchange, became a bestseller, criticizes the long history of European and U.S. meddling in the region. Chávez's inscription in the Spanish-language copy? "For Obama, with affection." (The goodwill didn't last long.)

Later in the summit, Daniel Ortega expressed his disapproval of the United States more directly. The Nicaraguan president embarked on a 52-minute rant about American imperialism and "Yankee troops," though he conceded that Obama was only a few months old during the Bay of Pigs invasion. "I'm very grateful that President Ortega did not blame me for things that happened when I was three months old," Obama later joked.

Here's some raw video of Chávez's book stunt:

 

JIM WATSON/AFP/Getty Images

THE ‘BATHROOM BREAK'

What: Rio Group Summit

When: 2008

Where: Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic

Meltdown: We've already seen that Chávez, Correa, and Uribe can be somewhat volatile. Now imagine putting them all in the same room and asking them to shake hands and make up over a brewing border crisis. When the South American leaders met at this summit following a Colombian military attack on rebels camped out in Ecuador, a televised debate grew so rancorous that Correa walked out of the session for what an aide said was a bathroom break. When he returned, he had a message for Uribe. "Your insolence is doing more damage to the Ecuadorean people than your murderous bombs," he proclaimed.

There were other theatrics (Uribe brandished documents that he claimed established links between Correa and the rebels, while Chávez trotted out the mother of the rebels' most prominent hostage, Colombian politician Ingrid Betancourt, to confront Uribe), but in the end the three leaders shook hands and resolved the dispute -- sort of. Check out the steely look Correa gives Uribe as they shake hands (beginning at 0:25):

RICARDO HERNANDEZ/AFP/Getty Images



THE ROYAL SMACKDOWN

What: Ibero-American Summit

When: 2007

Where: Santiago, Chile

Meltdown: This was yet another summit in which attendees seemed to have not gotten the memo about the feel-good theme -- in this case, "social cohesion." As Chávez repeatedly interrupted then-Spanish Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero and called former Spanish Prime Minister José María Aznar a "fascist" who was less human than a snake, Spain's King Juan Carlos lost his nerve. "Why don't you shut up?" he fumed -- in an outburst that quickly inspired ringtones, branded T-shirts, and imaginative headlines such as "King of Spain v King of Spin."

Zapatero proceeded to issue a rousing call for decorum, only for Nicaragua's Ortega to jump in and defend Chávez -- at which point the exasperated king stormed out of the room. The summit also featured a war of words between Argentina and Uruguay over a paper mill.

Here's a clip of the heated exchange between Chávez and the king:

AFP/Getty Images



THE ANTI-BUSH DIATRIBE

What: Summit of the Americas

When: 2005

Where: Mar del Plata, Argentina

Meltdown: Chávez never minced words when it came to George W. Bush, once telling the United Nations that Bush was the "devil" and that the "the smell of sulfur" still lingered after the U.S. president's General Assembly address. A year earlier, at a regional gathering in Mar del Plata, the Venezuelan strongman helped engineer the defeat of a U.S.-supported free trade zone for the Americas and rallied a soccer stadium packed with 25,000 people against U.S. imperialism in an alternative "people's summit."

"One by one, Bush's puppets have fallen" in Latin America," Chávez told the crowd, in a speech that lasted more than two hours. Bush, for his part, promised to be "polite" if he ran into Chávez. But just check out Bush's expression (not to mention Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's) above as he listened to Chávez speak during the summit's first session. When the U.S. president left Argentina before the end of the conference, Chávez declared victory. "The man went away wounded," he crowed. "You could see defeat on his face."

You can see footage of Chávez's address to the people's summit in this clip from his weekly television show, Aló Presidente (beginning at 4:30):


With a cancer-stricken Chávez expected to make only a brief appearance at this year's Summit of the Americas -- and the fiery Rafael Correa boycotting it altogether -- the upcoming gathering may be relatively subdued. But don't underestimate the Venezuelan president's ability to whip up controversy in a matter of hours.

JIM WATSON/AFP/Getty Images

The List

Mubarak's Enforcer

Omar Suleiman is running for president of Egypt -- but are voters really looking to elect a member of the former regime's inner circle?

It's déjà vu all over again: On April 6, Omar Suleiman, ousted Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's longtime spymaster and domestic enforcer, announced that he would "bow to popular will" and throw his hat in the ring for the presidency. Suleiman's declaration caused a political earthquake in Cairo -- for the first time, a candidate seemed to hold the prospect of reversing the February 2011 revolution that overthrew Mubarak, though not necessarily his regime.

Suleiman, a career military man who was described as Mubarak's "consigliere" in a State Department cable released by WikiLeaks, has already tried to position himself as an alternative to the resurgent Muslim Brotherhood. In an interview published April 9, he claimed to have received death threats from members of the formerly banned group, and rejected suggestions that he was a member of the ancien régime. "If I was intelligence chief and then vice president for a few days, that doesn't mean I was part of a regime against which the people mounted a revolt," he said.

So who is Omar Suleiman? He was born into extreme poverty in the city of Qena, in Upper Egypt, and rose to prominence through the ranks of the military. According to Steven Cook's The Struggle for Egypt, he received advanced training at Moscow's Frunze Military Academy, and then the John F. Kennedy Special Warfare School at Fort Bragg, North Carolina. In 1993, he was appointed the head of Egypt's General Intelligence Directorate, a hybrid agency responsible for squelching both domestic and international threats, and was Mubarak's right-hand man until the revolution last year. In a desperate bid to assuage popular anger, Mubarak appointed Suleiman as his vice president in late January, tasking him with formulating the government's response to the burgeoning protest movement.

With Suleiman back in the public spotlight, here is a look at the highlights of his long career.

Torture: The New Yorker's Jane Mayer described Suleiman as "the C.I.A.'s point man in Egypt for renditions," the program where the U.S. intelligence agency snatched terror suspects from around the world and sent them to Egypt for often brutal interrogations. In her book The Dark Side, Mayer quotes then U.S. Ambassador to Egypt Edward Walker as saying that Suleiman understood the downsides of "some of the negative things that the Egyptians engaged in, of torture and so on. But he was not squeamish, by the way."

"[Egypt's] record both on human rights and on repressing democracy was lambasted annually by both Congress and by the State Department," wrote Stephen Grey in Ghost Plane, a book on the CIA rendition program. "But in secret, men like Omar Suleiman, the country's most powerful spy and secret policeman, did our work, the sort of work that Western countries have no appetite to do themselves."

Keeping Hamas down: The one constant thread through Suleiman's career is an abiding hostility toward Islamists, both domestic and foreign. For that reason, he was long one of the officials in Cairo who tried most aggressively to limit the growing power of Hamas in the neighboring Gaza Strip. In a State Department cable released by WikiLeaks, Suleiman promised an Israeli interlocutor that he would prevent the 2006 Palestinian Authority (PA) legislative election, where the Islamist group was expected to make significant gains. "There will be no elections in January," Suleiman reportedly said. "We will take care of it."

He failed to do so, however, and Hamas captured a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council. Suleiman would later work to negotiate ceasefires between Israel and Hamas and attempt to reconcile Hamas with PA President Mahmoud Abbas, but his distrust of the organization remained unchanged. "I know these people," he said after Hamas's electoral victory. "They are the Muslim Brotherhood and they will not change. They are liars and the only thing they understand is force."

Following Hamas's takeover of the Gaza Strip in June 2007, Suleiman cooperated with Israel-led efforts to prevent goods from entering the area as a way of weakening the Islamist party. Suleiman "told us Egypt wants Gaza to go ‘hungry' but not ‘starve'," reported a December 2007 WikiLeaked cable.

Mubarak's bodyguard: Suleiman's star began to rise in 1995 when he convinced Mubarak, despite objections from the Foreign Ministry, to take an armored limousine to an African Union summit in Ethiopia. Islamist militants ambushed the Egyptian motorcade shortly after he arrived in Ethiopia, raking the limousine with bullets, but Mubarak escaped unscathed due to Suleiman's precautions.

Since that episode, Suleiman's role as one of Mubarak's most trusted confidants on security matters grew steadily. "He tells Mubarak everything that's happening," a retired Egyptian general said. "After 22 years in power, the gerontocracy that surrounds the president tells him what they think he wants to hear. Suleiman tells Mubarak the way it is."

A direct line to Jerusalem: Shortly after Suleiman entered the race, the Muslim Brotherhood's political arm released the first political salvo against him. The photo collage shows him gripping-and-grinning with some of Israel's most prominent leaders, and features a campaign poster touting his candidacy -- in Hebrew. It also didn't help that Binyamin Ben-Eliezer, an Israeli member of the Knesset and former defense minister, endorsed Suleiman as "good for Israel."

Indeed, it's no secret that Suleiman was long Israel's most trusted point of contact with the Mubarak regime. An Israeli official told the Washington Post that Suleiman enjoyed a good working relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and that the two leaders shared a concern about Iran's growing influence. Former Mossad chief Meir Dagan, who was Suleiman's counterpart in Israel for years, also predicted in November 2011 that Omar Suleiman would be Egypt's next president.

Whenever there was a crisis involving Hamas, Suleiman stepped in to broker a solution. As part of his attempts to negotiate ceasefires in Gaza, the spymaster worked to secure the release of Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit -- though it was only after the Mubarak regime had been toppled that the two sides agreed to a prisoner swap. A 2007 WikiLeaked cable also suggests that the Egyptian leadership was pushing for more, not less, Israeli intervention in Gaza -- even inviting the Israelis to re-establish their presence in the Philadelphi corridor, a nine-mile buffer zone between Gaza and Egypt. "In their moments of greatest frustration, [Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein] Tantawi and Soliman each have claimed that the IDF would be ‘welcome' to re-invade Philadelphi, if the IDF thought that would stop the smuggling," the cable reported.

MAHMUD KHALED/AFP/Getty Images