On the campaign trail, Mitt Romney contrasts his vision of American
greatness with what he claims is Barack Obama's proclivity for
apologizing for it. The "president doesn't have the same feelings about
American exceptionalism that we do," Romney has charged. All countries
have their own brand of chest-thumping nationalism, but almost none is
as patently universal -- even messianic -- as this belief in America's
special character and role in the world. While the mission may be
centuries old, the phrase only recently entered the political lexicon,
after it was first uttered by none other than Joseph Stalin. Today the
term is experiencing a resurgence in an age of anxiety about American
As the Massachusetts Bay Company
sets sail from England to the New World, Puritan lawyer John Winthrop urges his fellow passengers on the Arabella
to "be as a city upon a hill," alluding to a phrase from Jesus's Sermon on the Mount. The colonists must make New
England a model for future settlements, he notes, as the "eyes of all people
are upon us."
In "Common Sense," revolutionary pamphleteer Thomas
Paine describes America as a beacon of liberty for the world. "Freedom hath
been hunted round the globe," he explains. "Asia, and Africa, have long
expelled her. Europe regards her like a stranger, and England hath given her
warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for
Reflecting on his
travels in the United States in his seminal work, Democracy in America, French intellectual Alexis de
Tocqueville writes that the "position of
the Americans" is "quite exceptional, and it may be believed that no democratic
people will ever be placed in a similar one."
"There is but a single specialty with us, only one thing that can be called by the wide name 'American.' That is the national devotion to ice-water.… I suppose we do stand alone in having a drink that nobody likes but ourselves." --Mark Twain
President Woodrow Wilson infuses Paine's notion of the United States as a
bastion of freedom with missionary zeal, arguing
that what makes America unique is its duty to spread liberty abroad. "I want you to take these great engines of force out onto
the seas like adventurers enlisted for the elevation of the spirit of the human
race," Wilson tells U.S. Naval Academy graduates. "For that is the only
distinction that America has."
Coining a new
term, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin condemns
the "heresy of American exceptionalism" while expelling American communist
leader Jay Lovestone and his followers from the Communist International for arguing that U.S. capitalism constitutes an
exception to Marxism's universal laws. Within a year, the Communist Party USA has adopted Stalin's disparaging term. "The storm of
the economic crisis in the United States blew down the house of cards of
American exceptionalism," the party declares,
gloating about the Great Depression.
Wilson, magazine publisher Henry Luce urges
the United States to enter World War II and exchange
isolationism for an "American century" in which it acts as the "powerhouse" of
those ideals that are "especially American."
A group of
American historians -- including Daniel Boorstin,
Louis Hartz, Richard Hofstadter, and David Potter -- argues
that the United States forged a "consensus" of liberal values over time that
enabled it to sidestep movements such as fascism and socialism. But they
question whether this unique national character can be reproduced elsewhere. As
Boorstin writes, "nothing could be more un-American than to urge other
countries to imitate America."
John F. Kennedy suggests that America's distinctiveness stems from its
determination to exemplify and defend freedom all over the world. He invokes Winthrop's "city upon a hill" and declares: "More than any other people on Earth,
we bear burdens and accept risks unprecedented in their size and their
duration, not for ourselves alone but for all who wish to be free."
In a National Affairs essay, "The End of American Exceptionalism," sociologist
Daniel Bell gives voice to growing skepticism in academia about the concept in
the wake of the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal. "Today," he writes, "the
belief in American exceptionalism has vanished with the end of empire, the
weakening of power, the loss of faith in the nation's future."
counters President Jimmy Carter's rhetoric about a national "crisis of
confidence" with paeans to American greatness during the presidential
campaign. "I've always believed that this blessed land was set apart in a
special way," Reagan later explains.
days of the Cold War raise the prospect that the American model could become
the norm, not the exception. "What we may be witnessing is not just the end of
the Cold War" but the "end of history as such, that is … the universalization
of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government," political
scientist Francis Fukuyama famously proclaims.
In my mind it was a tall, proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans, wind-swept, God-blessed, and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace." --Ronald Reagan
In a speech
justifying NATO's intervention in Bosnia, President
Bill Clinton declares that "America
remains the indispensable nation" and that "there are times when America, and
only America, can make a difference between war and peace, between freedom and
American exceptionalism becomes a
partisan talking point as future George W. Bush speechwriter Marc Thiessan, in
a Weekly Standard article, contends that there are two competing visions of
internationalism in the 21st century: the "'global multilateralism' of the
Clinton-Gore Democrats" vs. the "'American exceptionalism' of the
"Like generations before us, we have a calling from beyond the stars to stand for freedom. This is the everlasting dream of America." --George W. Bush
Amid skepticism about America's
global leadership, fueled by a disastrous war in Iraq and the global financial
crisis, Democrat Barack Obama runs against Bush's muscular "Freedom Agenda" in the election to succeed him.
"I believe in American exceptionalism," Obama says,
but not one based on "our military prowess or our economic dominance."
Democratic pollster Mark Penn advises
Hillary Clinton to target Obama's "lack of American roots" in the primary by
"explicitly own[ing] 'American'" in her campaign.
As critical scholarship -- such as Godfrey Hodgson's
The Myth of American Exceptionalism -- proliferates,
Obama becomes the first sitting U.S. president
to use the phrase "American exceptionalism" publicly. "I suspect that the Brits
believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks believe in Greek
exceptionalism" -- a line later much quoted by Republicans eager to prove his
disdain for American uniqueness.
80 percent of Americans believe the United States "has a unique character that makes it the greatest country in the world." But only 58 percent think Obama agrees. --USA Today/Gallup poll
With the presidential race heating
up, the phrase gets reduced to a shorthand for "who loves America more." After
making the "case for American greatness" in his 2010 book No Apology, GOP candidate Mitt Romney claims Obama believes "America's
just another nation with a flag." The president, for his part, invokes Bill
Clinton's "indispensable nation" in his State of
the Union address and later declares,
in response to Republican critics, "My entire career has been a testimony to
American exceptionalism." If Stalin only knew what he started.
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