The List

Putting the Vice Back in Vice President

Mitt Romney's choice of Paul Ryan as his running mate may be controversial. But it's safe to say he's probably less trouble than these five veeps.

MOHAMMAD QASIM FAHIM

Afghanistan

Accused of: Human rights abuses, drug trafficking

The Tajik former warlord was instrumental in helping allied forces oust the Taliban in 2001 and served for years as President Hamid Karzai's defense minister, but Karzai's choice of Mohammad Qasim Fahim as vice president in 2009 raised more than a few eyebrows in Washington. The New York Times reported at the time that the CIA believed Fahim was still closely involved in Afghanistan's lucrative drug trade and "now had a Soviet-made cargo plane at his disposal that was making flights north to transport heroin through Russia, returning laden with cash."

This would be particularly worrying if proved true, as Washington was sending millions of dollars in military aid -- some of it aimed at combating the drug trade -- and U.S. law prohibits sending aid to known drug traffickers. There were also persistent rumors that Fahim had committed human rights abuses during Afghanistan's civil war. A Human Rights Watch representative described him as "one of the most notorious warlords in the country, with the blood of many Afghans on his hands from the civil war." Nonetheless, U.S. officials have continued to maintain ties with Fahim, and the vice president attended a meeting with President Barack Obama in Kabul in 2010.

An unreleased report commissioned by Karzai reportedly details the involvement of Fahim -- along with a number of other senior Afghan officials -- in mass killings during the 1980s and 1990s. The report's release has been indefinitely delayed, and Fahim reportedly demanded punishment for the official responsible for it, reported telling a cabinet meeting, "We should just shoot 30 holes in his face."

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TARIQ AL-HASHIMI

Iraq

Accused of: Terrorism

On Dec. 19, 2011, the day after the last U.S. troops departed Iraq, the Iraqi government accused Vice President Tariq al-Hashimi of abetting terrorism in a highly promoted half-hour television special. On the program, a man claiming to have been a bodyguard for Hashimi, said he had been assigned by the vice president to plant bombs throughout Baghdad and assassinate an official from the Foreign Ministry. Hashimi was in semiautonomous Kurdistan at the time, outside the grasp of Iraqi national security forces. He has since taken refuge in Turkey, creating a new source of tension between Baghdad and Ankara.

The charges against Hashimi were difficult to verify, and many saw them as an attempt by Iraq's Shiite prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, to push aside a rival. (Hashimi is a prominent Sunni political leader.) Hashimi denied the charges, and in a Dec. 21 interview with Foreign Policy, he argued that "many of Saddam's behaviors are now being exercised by Maliki." Hashimi has continued to make foreign trips as vice president of Iraq, though he has been unable to return to Baghdad.

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ALI OSMAN TAHA

Sudan

Accused of: Abetting war crimes, attempted assassination

A lawyer and former opposition activist, Ali Osman Taha has been at Omar Hassan al-Bashir's side since 1989, when the Sudanese president came to power in a military coup. He was promoted from second vice president to first vice president in July 2011 when Salva Kiir stepped down to become president of newly independent South Sudan.  

Taha is suspected by many, including U.S. diplomats, of involvement in a 1995 assassination attempt against Hosni Mubarak, when the Egyptian president was visiting Ethiopia. Mubarak apparently didn't hold a grudge, however, and according to one diplomatic cable released by WikiLeaks, he joked about Taha when visiting Khartoum in 2008.

According to International Criminal Court documents, Taha played a key role in organizing the janjaweed militias responsible for attacks of civilians in Darfur. In 2002, he reportedly secured the release of a janjaweed leader who had been jailed on armed robbery charges so the leader could fight the rebels in Darfur. In a 2004 interview with the BBC, Taha dismissed reports that the Sudanese government was responsible for atrocities, saying, "These reports are reports of war, and everywhere there is war, there could be atrocities."

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AMADO BOUDOU

Argentina

Accused of: Tax evasion and money laundering

Known for wearing leather jackets, riding Harley-Davidson motorcycles, and jamming on his guitar with famous Argentine musicians at campaign rallies, Amado Boudou became known as the "rock 'n' roll vice president" when President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner surprised Argentina's political establishment by adding him to her ticket when running for reelection in 2011. Since taking office last December, however, Boudou's tenure has been more Whitewater than Whitesnake.

Prosecutors are investigating Boudou for influence peddling, illegal enrichment, and money laundering in connection with the purchase of a bankrupt printing company. Allegedly, while still a midlevel government official, Boudou helped engineer the purchase of the company by the Old Fund -- a shell company connected to him and his friends -- and then helped it win a lucrative contract to print the country's bank notes. Adding another wrinkle to the scandal, Kirchner has announced plans for a government takeover of the company. Some opposition members have implied that the president might herself have been involved in an illegal coverup.

The opposition has demanded that Boudou step down, but the vice president has rejected the charges, blaming a "mafia" led by a leading opposition newspaper and the head of the country's stock exchange for trying to bring him down. At least he didn't compare his accusers to the people that cleaned the Nazi gas chambers, as he notoriously called a couple of journalists in 2010. In any event, it's not the first year the rock-star veep was hoping for.

CHRIS RATCLIFFE/AFP/Getty Images

SAMUEL SAM-SUMANA

Sierra Leone

Accused of: Graft, illegal logging

In November 2011, Samuel Sam-Sumana was the target of an Al Jazeera investigation into illegal logging practices in Sierra Leone, where rain forests have been devastated by rampant illicit deforestation in recent years and the government has made forest protection a major priority. In the sting operation, journalists posing as businessmen looking to start a timber export business met with Sam-Sumana and two of his associates. In a later meeting, the two associates promised to secure the vice president's support for the business in exchange for cash payments. The government of Sierra Leone promised to investigate the charges raised in the video; Sam-Sumana denied any wrongdoing, saying that he knew the men but that they were not advisors and were not authorized to speak on his behalf.

This July, another controversy erupted around the vice president when an opposition newspaper published a letter from the president of a Minneapolis-based diamond company alleging that Sam-Sumana, who went to college in Minnesota, "has not only stolen large amounts of money from the people of  the country he professes to love, but also from former and current business partners in the United States."

According to the letter's bizarre tale, Sam-Sumana, when he was a parking lot attendant in Minneapolis, offered to help the businessman, Mark Heiligman, get into the Sierra Leonean diamond business, but took the money provided and used it to fund his political ambitions and those of President Ernest Bai Koroma. According to local media, Heiligman later apologized for making accusations against the president, but the dispute with Sam-Sumana apparently hasn't yet been resolved. The vice president recently held a news conference aimed at clearing his name.

The List

Meet China's Next Leaders

A who's who of the top contenders for the Middle Kingdom's most powerful jobs.

In October 2007, nine of the most powerful men in China walked across a stage in the massive Great Hall of the People, at the closing of the Communist Party's twice-a-decade National Congress. "Once they were assembled, an untrained eye might have had difficulty telling them apart," Financial Times journalist Richard Macgregor writes in his 2010 book The Party about China's communist rulers. "The nine all wore dark suits, and all but one sported a red tie. They all displayed slick, jet-black pompadours, a product of the uniform addiction to regular hair-dyeing of senior Chinese politicians, a habit only broken by retirement or imprisonment."

The nine men's order on the stage announced to the outside world their ranking in the Politburo Standing Committee, the governing body that rules China and seemed to signify the inevitability of their leadership--ignoring the reality of infighting, jockeying, and compromise by the party elites who selected the nine members far away from the public eye. For those watching at home, these nine men with different ideas, personalities, and networks were distinguishable by their distance from the center of power.

If tradition holds, another group of men will again stroll across the stage in October during the 18th National Congress, this time led by Xi Jinping, the man widely expected to replace Hu Jintao, followed by Li Keqiang, whom party watchers expect will replace Wen Jiabao as premier. The next seven spots (or five or six; Hu Jintao is reportedly pushing for a smaller Standing Committee so that he maintains more influence after he steps down) are likely open and fiercely contested by roughly a dozen powerful men -- and one woman. Wang Yang, party secretary of Guangdong, China's most popular province and the subject of a profile in Foreign Policy's latest issue is one contender. The outside world knows little about Wang and the other personalities or their standings in the party elite. "The deals are so complicated," says Cheng Li, an expert on Chinese elite politics at the Brookings Institution. "We don't know the facts involved. We know one hundredth of what [the party elite] knows." With those caveats in mind, here are five people besides Xi and Li whose smiling, stage-managed faces we might see on that red stage in October.

 Wang Qishan

The mayor of Beijing from 2003 to 2007, Wang Qishan is currently the vice premier responsible for economic, energy, and financial affairs, serving under outgoing premier Wen. Wang's former counterpart, former Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson, called him "decisive and inquisitive," with a "wicked sense of humor." The son-in-law of the late Vice Premier Yao Yilin, Wang is one of the princelings, a group of often high-ranking leaders who are the sons and daughters of top officials. Chinese political observers see princelings like Wang as more closely allied with the leadership faction of former President Jiang Zemin than that of current President Hu Jintao. Brookings' Li thinks Wang, nicknamed "chief of the fire brigade" for his competence amid crisis, is almost certain to obtain a seat on the Standing Committee.


Zhang Gaoli

The party secretary of the metropolis of Tianjin and an economist who formerly worked in the oil industry, Zhang is known as being low-key, even for a Chinese official. In 2011, Tianjin under his stewardship grew at 16.4 percent, the highest rate in China, tied with the metropolis of Chongqing. Zhang is seen as a protégé of Jiang Zemin and Jiang advisor Zeng Qinghong; he is known for his pro-market leanings, having served as party secretary of Shenzhen, China's center of cowboy capitalism, from 1997 to 2001. But if Binhai, the development zone that has driven much of Tianjin's growth, fails under Zhang's stewardship, it could hurt his chances of promotion.

Hu Chunhua

Seen as an ally of Hu Jintao, "Little Hu," as he's known in China (he's unrelated to Hu Jintao) is party secretary of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, a massive, coal-rich area in the country's north. If the 49-year-old Hu does ascend to the Standing Committee, he will be the youngest member and possibly the core of the sixth generation of Chinese Communist Party leaders, a strong contender to replace Xi Jinping as party secretary in 2022. (Hu Jintao was also 49, and the youngest member, when appointed to the Standing Committee in 1992.) Like Hu Jintao, who served as party secretary of Tibet and Guizhou, Hu Chunhua has extensive experience dealing with Chinese minorities, an important qualification given the instability of areas like Tibet and Xinjiang. He spent 23 years in the Tibetan provincial government, and reportedly speaks fluent Tibetan, rare for a Chinese official. For now, Little Hu would likely be one of the lower-ranking members, like Hu Jintao in 1992 (7th) and Xi Jinping in 2007 (6th).

Liu Yandong

Currently the only woman in the 25-member Politburo, the decision-making body a rung down from the Standing Committee, Liu is state councilor, an assistant to China's premier and vice-premiers. She's seen as a protégé of both Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin. She graduated from Hu's alma matter Tsinghua University, and served as his deputy in the Communist Youth League, an organization that Hu ran and is seen as his power base. Liu is a princeling; her father was formerly a vice minister of agriculture and introduced Jiang Zemin's adopted father to the Communist Party in 1927. She would be the first woman in Chinese Communist Party history to make it to the Standing Committee, though Liu, at 66, might be too old. The Politburo has an unofficial retirement age of 68, and Liu's chances could be hurt "if the leadership decides to make this supreme decision-making body younger," writes Li.

Yu Zhengsheng

Shanghai Party Secretary Yu's career has had the most public vicissitudes of any current Chinese leader. In 1985, Yu's brother, the former director of the Beijing National Security Bureau, defected to the United States. Yu, a princeling who reportedly had close ties to the family of former paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, managed to salvage his career and spent six years as the party secretary of Hubei province before being appointed to his current position in 2007. But everyone else on this list might have similar skeletons in their closet; the code of silence surrounding the Chinese Communist Party means it's unlikely that that information will ever be made public.

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