Tea Leaf Nation

China's Angry Spirits

Online whispers paint an eerie parallel between Japanese war criminals and dead Chinese strongman Mao Zedong.

It's not every day that men who have been dead for decades make headlines, but on Dec. 26, ghosts figured prominently in Chinese news. President Xi Jinping's tribute to the People's Republic of China founding Chairman Mao Zedong, who would have turned 120, was the top story in state-run media, which still treats him kindly. Xi acknowledged Mao's mistakes but emphasized, "We will always hold high the flag of Mao Zedong thought." Also in that day's Chinese headlines was Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine, where Japanese war dead -- including 14 Class A war criminals -- are honored. Chinese officials lodged "solemn" critiques with Abe; Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Qin Gang stated that by going there, Japanese leaders "call back the ghost of militarism and whitewash Japan's history of aggression and colonialism" toward China. But some Chinese felt Japanese war criminals and Mao Zedong had something in common: Millions of people died because of them.

Prominent author and activist Li Chengpeng complained on Sina Weibo, China's Twitter, about unspecified people "bowing to ghosts," warning that "a tragedy in which tens of millions were killed, died of starvation, and were torn from their families" could not be covered up easily. "I strongly oppose politicians paying their respects, in any form, to ghosts," he concluded. His statement, censored shortly after its posting, was purposefully vague: The "tens of millions" could refer to the estimated 15 to 20 million Chinese who died during the Japanese occupation, or to those who perished in Mao's campaigns. (Experts believe that between 18 and 45 million died from violence and starvation during Mao's Great Leap Forward, a horrifically botched economic and social reform campaign that took place from 1958 to 1961. And in 1966, Mao initiated the Cultural Revolution, a decade-long period of ideological struggles that set China's society and economy even further behind.) He Weifang, a law professor at China's prestigious Peking University, wrote that Xi was paying tribute to someone who had "badly harmed the Chinese people." One anonymous Internet user was more explicit: "Japanese are paying respects to assholes who killed others," he wrote, "but we are paying respects to assholes who killed our own people."

A few critical voices aside, online chatter about Xi's praise for Mao and Abe's controversial visit was muted. That's partly because censorship of both topics was at full throttle, with commentary disabled or restricted on many sites, and also because Mao figures prominently in the Chinese Communist Party's official narrative of contemporary history, with challenges to that party line carefully monitored. Many Chinese might feel that Mao did more harm than good, but they could hardly be surprised that their president would voice support.

Some were less concerned with Mao's historical import and more concerned with his monetary value. "We all have a deep love for this man," joked one Weibo user as he posted a picture of China's currency, which features Mao's face on most denominations. "No need to say why."

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Tea Leaf Nation

Chinese Government Recommends 'Idiot-Proof' Cellphones for Peasants

Beijing's elegant suggestion to spread mobile technology in the countryside. 

Some Chinese government researchers don't appear to think much of the country's 651 million people living in the countryside. In its 2013 annual report on the development of the Internet in rural China, the state-run China Internet Network Information Center (CNNIC), which monitors and analyzes the Chinese web, advised Chinese telecom companies to roll out "idiot-proof" smartphones for rural customers.

The report, released Nov. 27, cites the statistic that rural Chinese are underrepresented online: At the end of 2012, Internet penetration in the countryside was 23.7 percent, compared to 59.1 percent in cities. But the number of rural residents who used mobile phones to go online in 2012 increased by 20.9 percent, and rural Internet users surf the web via smartphone at a slightly higher rate than urban netizens (75.3 percent versus 72.3 percent over the past six months). To better serve rural residents, researchers suggested telecom companies attempt to shaguahua their products -- that is, make them for "stupid melons," Chinese slang for 'idiots.' Because "most residents of rural villages are not very knowledgeable or cultured," the report argued, they will be less inclined to use cell phones to go online "if the equipment systems are too complicated."

The Internet gap is one Chinese that authorities, who see the web as a driver of future economic growth, are keen to shrink. On Sept. 18, Shang Bing, a vice minister of China's Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, which regulates the Internet, said that the country plans to invest $323 billion in broadband Internet infrastructure by 2020, emphasizing authorities' intent to get "villages and counties" online. But given China's existing infrastructure deficiencies and the relatively lower cost of mobile Internet use, most Chinese web users will be logging on via smartphone for the time being.                 

This appears to be the first time that CNNIC has said Chinese rural netizens "require" simpler mobile interfaces. The name-calling may be more than a slip-up: It also insulates authorities from blame. If China's rural netizen ranks grow slower than hoped, the report implies, it will because of those yokels in the countryside or the companies that failed to adapt -- and not because of the Chinese government's inability to provide services.

Derogatory language aside, CNNIC was trying to address serious income and education gaps between China's rural and urban areas. The study noted that as of the end of 2012, urbanites still made 3.1 times more money than their rural counterparts, who lack the same educational opportunities as city dwellers. But that doesn't mean they need 'idiot-proof' cellphones. As anyone who has witnessed a three-year-old playing with an iPhone can attest, formal education is by no means a prerequisite for mobile technology mastery.

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