Democracy Lab

How to Solve the Crisis in Ukraine

The conflict between Ukraine’s opposition and the president is escalating. But there’s room for a possible compromise.

Yesterday, former Ukrainian President Leonid Kravchuk gave a speech in parliament in which he warned his colleagues that the country may be on the brink of civil war. I think he's right to worry.

The situation in Ukraine threatens to veer out of control. The government clearly bears responsibility for the latest escalation in violence, which has seen several demonstrators shot dead on the streets of Kiev, the capital. But a growing number of opposition members now appear willing to resort to physical attacks as well (including hurling Molotov cocktails at the police). Anti-government protesters have seized government buildings in various cities around the country.  (The photo above shows members of the opposition gearing up for battle with the security forces.)

On Tuesday, the prime minister resigned, along with his entire government. But the fact that Kravchuk saw fit to make his remarks the day after demonstrates that their move doesn't seem to have done much to defuse the tension. Earlier, over the weekend, President Viktor Yanukovych -- the focus of the protesters' ire -- offered to include two of the main opposition leaders in his cabinet. But the positions he had in mind were insignificant ones, and no offer was made to the third opposition leader. The anti-government forces, correctly concluding that Yanukovych's gambit was just an attempt to split them, denounced it. The president has also pushed parliament, which is dominated by his own party, to rescind a recent package of draconian laws designed to make life hard for the opposition.

And now, today, Yanukovych has taken off work, pleading sick. Small wonder that many in the country are wondering whether his illness is real -- or just a maneuver to play for time.

Ukrainians are right to be furious at Yanukovych. He has openly and unashamedly used his office to enrich members of his family. He has persecuted and jailed (on dubious grounds) Yulia Tymoshekno, his most powerful rival in the 2010 election that brought him to power. And he has concentrated as much power as possible in his own hands by squeezing the press and eliminating some important reforms that earlier governments had made with the precise aim of preventing a return to Soviet-style authoritarianism. Of course, Soviet-style authoritarianism is just what Yanukovych wants.

In many respects, the cause that originally brought Ukrainians out into the streets -- the president's last-minute decision to back away from signing a package of agreements aimed to bring Ukraine into closer association with the European Union -- seems long forgotten. Many Ukrainians had hoped that aligning their country with Europe would strengthen efforts to build the rule of law, strengthen accountability, and fight endemic corruption. Instead Yanukovych suddenly declared his aim to steer Ukraine back into the orbit of Vladimir Putin's Russia (which had exerted massive economic and political pressure to just that end). Now, six weeks later, the protests have become less an expression of discontent over Ukraine's geopolitical choices than a full-scale referendum on Yanukovych's presidency.

It's easy to sympathize with the many Ukrainians who want to see the president go. But there's a problem: he was elected, in a 2010 election that was basically conceded to be free and fair. He received the votes of a little over half of the electorate, most of it located in the country's eastern (and largely Russian-speaking) half. No presidential election is scheduled for another year. Yanukovych accordingly has little incentive to negotiate away his own job just because a lot of demonstrators are telling him to. Indeed, right now he has every reason to hang until the bitterest of bitter ends.

This is the main reason why the current turmoil has little in common with the 2004 Orange Revolution, which started as a protest against blatant vote-rigging (and the near death-by-poisoning of then-opposition leader, Viktor Yushchenko) during that year's presidential election. The beneficiary of those vote-rigging efforts was Yanukovych; the man who emerged victorious from the protest movement was Yushchenko, whose supporters successfully pushed for annulment of the dirty election and the scheduling of a fresh new one, which Yushchenko proceeded to win (also with just over half the votes, but that time from voters concentrated in the country's pro-European western and central regions).

Pushing Yanukovych out of office is thus hardly viable without a full-scale revolution -- and so far there is little indication that Yanukovych's core supporters in the East would be willing to go along. To be sure, some Euromaidan protesters have now taken to the streets in some cities in the East --- but I still see little evidence that their numbers approach anything like those in Kiev or other opposition strongholds. (It's the fact that anyone has been willing to come out in the East at all that has surprised observers.) Yet simply toppling the president a year before his term ends would surely set an ominous precedent for Ukrainian democracy. It seems highly unrealistic to expect that large number of eastern Ukrainians who backed Yanukovych in the 2010 election will take his expulsion lying down, no matter what sort of bad behavior their president has indulged in.

In this respect, an overwhelming victory for the opposition is more likely to create new problems and deepen divides -- not least because the opposition itself is deeply divided and fractured along myriad lines itself. (Remember, it has three leaders, not one, and each one of them wants to be the next president.) Meanwhile, though most members of the protest movement are sticking to their original policy of nonviolent resistance, signs of militancy are on the rise. (One of the scariest groups, the far-right Pravy Sektor, consists of nationalists who actually reject the goal of closer integration with Europe.) There is real potential for a downward spiral into violent anarchy, one that could ultimately drive many Ukrainians back into the iron embrace of Russia.

Luckily, though, there is a way out. Rather than insisting on Yanukovych's unconditional surrender, the opposition could unify around a different demand: transform Ukraine into a parliamentary republic. The main problem with today's Ukraine is a constitution that doesn't take into account the country's geographical and ideological diversity. The current constitution gives far-reaching powers to the president, thus invariably putting the head of state at odds with the prime minister and parliament. (And this was true even under pro-Western President Yushchenko, who spent most of his term in a destructive wrangle with his onetime political partner, Yulia Tymoshenko.)

What Ukraine needs is a system where the government is run by a prime minister whose power rests on the strongest party (or coalition of parties) in parliament. This prime minister would have ample authority, but would also face sufficient checks and balances to prevent those powers from being overstepped (not to mention legislative oversight as a bulwark against corruption). The president, by contrast, would serve merely as a symbolic head of state: in other words, a bit more Germany, a bit less France. (For anyone who's interested, here's an article that spells out the mechanisms in detail.)

Part of such a compromise would include an agreement to let Yanukovych serve out the rest of his mandate (while dramatically reducing his powers to thwart any return to his previous excesses). That would address concerns in the Yanukovych heartland while leaving the opposition plenty of room to prepare for the next election under revised rules. I can't help but feel that this sort of approach would ultimately prove better for the health of Ukraine's democratic institutions. And by ensuring a smooth transition, it would also offer Moscow fewer opportunities for meddling. The Russians, who see a weak and chaotic Ukraine as an easy target for their own designs, have a clear interest in further escalation.

Is Ukraine too far gone already for any sort of compromise? That may be. It's also possible, I guess, that the fractious protesters could manage to topple Yanukovych from office, figure out a way to replace him without tearing their own movement apart, and placate looming fears of disenfranchisement among their compatriots who aren't on their side -- and achieve all of this without violent internal conflict or frenzied Russian troublemaking.

I wouldn't bet on it, though. Surely this is the moment when Ukrainians need to take a deep breath and consider how to back away from the abyss. The alternatives are frightening.


Democracy Lab

African Growing Pains

Africa is poised for economic growth. But it won't all be smooth sailing.

OK, I get it. Africa isn't a country. It's an impossibly huge, complicated, and turbulent region of the world. There is no one "Africa." There are 54 nations with distinct histories and possibly divergent prospects.

So sue me: I want to write about the continent's future.

I've just returned from a visit to Mali, a former French colony that's twice the size of Texas (though home to only 15 million people), and the trip has given me a lot of food for thought. Yes, Mali isn't typical of Africa -- no more than any African country is. But the trip did prompt me to think about what lies ahead. Most importantly, it gave me a vivid snapshot of the opportunities that many Africans now see before them -- as well as some of the dangers that lie along the way.

Mali is poor. It's one of the poorest countries in Africa, in fact. In 2012, it recorded per capita gross domestic product of around $1,100, which puts it at 214 (out of 229) in the global rankings. It has little in the way of natural resources (except for a bit of gold, which accounts for the lion's share of its exports).

And yet it can also be seen as a place of considerable promise. From 1996 to 2010 Mali experienced economic growth of about 5 percent per year, buoyed by domestic political stability and strong prices for the commodities it exports. Unfortunately, the years that followed were marred by a full-fledged rebellion that temporarily split off the north from the rest of Mali, followed by a military coup in the capital that suspended the country's hard-won democratic institutions for a while. (Mali has been an electoral democracy, with several peaceful transfers of power to new governments, since 1991.)

Last year, the French army intervened to suppress the revolt in the north, smashing the nascent state that Tuareg separatists and their jihadi allies were trying to build there. A few months later Malians elected a new civilian government, hopefully putting the nation back on course. If they can make it stick, there's no reason why they shouldn't be able to start achieving growth again. (That presupposes, of course, that they can figure out a way to placate the Tuaregs who still nurse grievances against the central government.)

If Mali can return to relative economic health, that will put it in line with a continent that is increasingly leaving behind its old image as a place condemned to eternal poverty. Growth rates in a number of African countries are reaching impressive levels, potentially setting the stage for a race to the top that could transform the fates of billions.

Much of that growth will come from rural Africans moving to the cities, a historic shift, already under way, that will boost productivity, spur the growth of a middle class, and fuel the creation of modern economies. That will repeat a pattern already experienced in many other parts of the world, but in Africa, judging by current trends, the process is going to be even more dramatic (and, judging by megacities like Lagos, potentially more chaotic, too.)

This is something that you can witness first hand in Mali. The capital city of Bamako, population 2.1 million, barely existed a quarter of century ago; since then it has been described by some as the fastest growing city in Africa. The positive side of the change is embodied by the well-dressed, upwardly mobile Bamakoites who clog rush hour with their Chinese-made motor scooters. The less appetizing side is that many of these new city dwellers (even from the budding middle class) inhabit homes that have limited access to running water, proper sewage, or other aspects of modern infrastructure.

Turbocharged urbanization isn't the only demographic trend that will change the face of Mali and Africa. The United Nations estimates that, by 2050, Africa's population as a whole will more than double, bringing the continent's total to 2.4 billion. Mali's is likely to triple by the same year, bringing it to 45 million. Even as things stand currently, the bulk of Africa's population consists of young people -- a trend that will intensify as even more Africans are born in the decades to come.

Needless to say, this astonishing population boom -- which is set to take place during a period when most of the other countries in the world, including China, will see declines in population growth -- also has its pluses and minuses. All these new Africans will obviously ratchet up pressure on resources. (In Mali, you can already see enormous swaths of once densely forested countryside that have been ravaged by villagers who count on firewood as their only source of energy.) The growing youth bulge will challenge economies that already have trouble finding enough jobs for their young people. But there's also the chance that the newcomers can create a demographic dividend, boosting entrepreneurship and creativity.

Mali shows you just what a complicated mixture all this makes. Cities, as Bamako exemplifies, are engines of economic growth -- but they're also dizzying, confusing, potentially alienating places, especially for kids torn from the placid, predictable routines of the countryside. For this reason, cities have long played a role as crucibles of political radicalization -- especially when there aren't enough jobs to go around.

In pre-revolutionary Iran, urbanization also contributed to a renewed embrace of religion, often with a radical twist. Mali, a country with a tradition of tolerant, Sufi-infused Islam, has recently registered notable growth in more rigorous, imported versions of the faith. One Islamic notable I visited in Bamako complained to me that ultraconservative salafis, generously financed by Saudi Arabia, now control three radio stations and other media outlets in the capital, while the traditionalists have none.

Politicians I spoke with attributed the appeal of salafi teachings to young people's discontent with corruption and inequality. It's striking that the one place where I saw large numbers of young women wearing hijab was at the University of Bamako. To some younger Malians, it would seem, conservative Islam offers just the kind of discipline, certainty, and stability that they can't find in their roiling suroundings. The fact that it also smacks of rebellion against the older generation probably doesn't hurt, either.

And yes, I know that most Africans aren't Muslims. But that's not the point. The point is that young idealists will seek political and religious alternatives, sometimes radical ones, when life in the cities falls short of expectations. The explosive growth of Pentecostalism in other parts of Africa probably draws on similar sources, though in its case the effects are, thankfully, mostly benign.

Growth and urbanization can also aggravate regional divides. Most of Mali's economic activity is concentrated in Bamako and other cities in the country's south-central region, so it comes as little surprise that they also claim most of the benefits. Drive a few hundred miles to the north, though, and the paved roads and the power lines soon evaporate. By all means, let's hope that the country finds its way back to a healthier economy -- but only if the politicians in the capital can figure out how to share the wealth more equitably with all of its regions. Otherwise the spirit of rebellion that nearly destroyed the country in the last two years will flare up again.

These examples are worth keeping in mind for the rest of Africa, too. While the promise of growth is to be welcomed, politicians should start today with policies -- especially in education -- to ensure that everyone gets a piece of the pie. The approaching demographic and economic revolution on the continent will shake things up in a big way. One thing is for sure: it's going to be a wild ride. Fasten your seatbelts.