A Back Door to Chinese Internet Freedom

ChinaFile It's based on a dare: block our sites, and risk losing billions.

In January, when the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ), a U.S. journalism nonprofit, published an exposé of the use of offshore tax havens by Chinese politicians and business moguls, the Chinese government blocked access to the consortium's website and to news articles about the report. Internet users in China trying to load or follow-up stories by the Guardian, the New York Times, and other news organizations saw a familiar message: "This web page is not available."

So free-speech activists like those at the secretive anti-censorship website deployed a way for Chinese to access the ICIJ report: They uploaded it to Amazon Web Services (AWS) -- a cloud-hosting service used by large companies around the world, including in China. Netizens then spread the word about the AWS link, which could be accessed without a virtual private network (VPN) or other privacy software. Posting the ICIJ report on Amazon was but one of the latest deployments of a strategy called "collateral freedom," the title of an April 2013 report by the Open Internet Tools Project (OpenITP), a New York-based nonprofit that fights government censorship around the world. It dares censors to block access at the cost of inflicting collateral damage -- in this case, on China's economy.

Amazon says thousands of Chinese customers, including major corporations, use AWS for database management and other cloud-computing applications. But just as businesses can store data on AWS, so can other users. This poses a dilemma for government censors: They can't selectively block content on encrypted cloud services, according to officials at, OpenITP, and other Internet freedom advocacy groups. China must either tolerate the material -- or block AWS entirely and undermine the businesses using it. (Amazon did not respond to requests for a comment about the use of AWS by and others to circumvent censorship in China.)

The OpenITP report introducing the concept was based on a survey of 1,175 Chinese residents who routinely "jump over the wall" to avoid the censors. These individuals, still a tiny minority of China's more than 600 million Internet users, use a variety of tools, from virtual private networks to GoAgent, a browser plug-in that runs on Google's cloud-hosting platform. But the tools have one thing in common: "the collateral cost of choosing to block them is prohibitive for China's censors," the OpenITP report stated.

That's because Chinese businesses also rely on VPNs and Google's cloud infrastructure, the study stated. "Our survey respondents are relying not on tools that the Great Firewall can't block, but rather on tools that the Chinese government does not want the Firewall to block," it stated. "Internet freedom for these users is collateral freedom, built on technologies and platforms that the regime finds economically or politically indispensable."

There are advantages to looking at Internet freedom "through an economic lens," said David Robinson, a technology consultant and visiting fellow at Yale Law School's Information Society Project who co-authored the OpenITP report. "Economic growth is a value that the United States and China share. The conversation about Internet freedom sometimes takes place in ways that seem distinctively American or distinctively Western." But, he said, more progress may be made if economic growth is the "central animating goal" of increasing access to information on the Internet.

The loudest cheerleader for "collateral freedom" in China has been an organization called, which monitors and opposes censorship behind the so-called Great Firewall. The group has created four websites in the encrypted cloud out of otherwise blocked content. Charlie Smith, the pseudonymous spokesman for, stated in an email interview that under the "collateral freedom" banner, his organization is "creating 'unblockable' mirrors via 'unblockable' cloud services." (Smith and other officials refuse to give their real names or discuss specifics of their organization because they say they fear retribution by Chinese authorities.)

"Collateral freedom" can be exercised in two ways, and both entail trade-offs. When individuals install a VPN or similar tool, they can access any site (such as YouTube, Facebook, or that is blocked. But individual Internet users must implement this solution themselves on each computer or device -- a task requiring a certain level of technological competence. When an organization uploads otherwise-blocked content to the encrypted cloud, it can be accessed by anybody with a computer, potentially reaching a mass audience. But, of course, this frees only the uploaded material.

Using tools like VPNS are a far more common way for residents of China to circumvent the Ministry of Public Security's censorship and surveillance system, which is formally called the Golden Shield and colloquially known as the Great Firewall. The Great Firewall blocks access to thousands of websites focusing on what authorities deem politically "sensitive" issues or individuals (such as the Dalai Lama) or offering unfiltered discussions. The blocked sites include not only fairly obvious targets like the websites of human rights groups such as Amnesty International and Freedom House, but also news organizations such as Radio Free Asia and the New York Times and social networking platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. Many sites are blocked on moral grounds because they promote pornography or gambling. Other blocked sites are less predictable, ranging from to to a portal on Taiwanese culture. has only used mirror sites a handful of times. One reason the numbers are so small, Smith said, is that "it is a relatively new concept -- most people don't know [about it]. We have not had enough general press exposure to make people understand what it is using layman's language." Moreover, Smith stated, small websites that are blocked in China may lack the technical know-how or financial resources to create a mirror site on Amazon. And for a big site like the New York Times, "this is a major political decision which likely would involve trying to get people to buy in to the concept and for them to be willing to stand up to censorship in such a public way."

Collateral freedom faces other challenges. The content on AWS, for example, must use the domain name. This can result in unwieldy URLs like

The biggest challenge, however, is the potential pushback. What would happen if Chinese officials pressure Amazon to remove the content they want to censor? Or if China's government decides to cut off Amazon Web Services entirely? "There's going to be pressure on AWS," predicts University of Toronto researcher Jason Ng, author of the book and blog Blocked on Weibo. He said China might try to thwart collateral freedom by moving all of AWS's Chinese customers to a separate cloud and then blocking access to the domain used by and other activists.

King-wa Fu, an assistant professor and censorship researcher at the Journalism and Media Studies Centre at the University of Hong Kong, agrees that the Chinese government eventually will play hardball. If the mirror sites attract a tipping-point level of Chinese visitors, Fu fears "that the Chinese government would block Amazon or ask Amazon to take down the contents."

To date, activists who have posted otherwise-censored content on AWS have not heard from Amazon or Chinese authorities. "Not a peep," Smith said. "And I hope it stays like this." And what if the company asks to take down its mirror sites? "We'd make as public a fuss about it as we could -- draw as much media attention to Amazon's practices as would be possible," Smith said. "We would not remove the material if they asked us to."

This article was produced by ChinaFile.

AFP/AFP/Getty Images


Infographic: Tiger, Tiger, Burning Bright

ChinaFile The vast network of influence surrounding China's former security czar.

The greatest unsolved mystery in China right now is not the disappearance of Malaysian airliner MH370, but the fate of Zhou Yongkang, the feared former head of China's security apparatus. From 2007 to 2012 a member of China's top political body, the Politburo Standing Committee, Zhou is now reportedly under investigation for corruption, casting suspicion on hundreds, if not thousands, of his of his allies, subordinates and relatives. 

If the reports prove true, Zhou is the most important Chinese official to be targeted for corruption since the Chinese Communist Party came to power in 1949. Chinese media has responded to this unprecedented opportunity with gumption: Over the last few weeks, both state-run and more independent Chinese media outlets have begun tracing connections Zhou made as a top official at the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), a state-run oil behemoth; as party boss of the important province of Sichuan; and as Minister of State Security; before he ascended to the pinnacle of Chinese power as a member of the Politburo Standing Committee in 2007.

Some have published graphic representations of the web that Zhou allegedly wove. The chart above was first published in China by the popular Chinese web portal Netease on March 5, and has been adapted and translated by ChinaFile and Foreign Policy.

The investigation into Zhou is both extremely important and maddeningly opaque. FP is unable to confirm the veracity of the allegations the chart makes -- that all of the people in it are connected to Zhou and that they played a role in his alleged misdeeds. Some of them, like his son Zhou Bin and tycoon Liu Han, are widely believed to be part of the case against Zhou -- but much remains unknown. Thus far, Beijing has kept silent; Chinese officials do not publically utter Zhou's name. Perhaps the most concrete mention came in early March, in the run-up to China's annual congress (which includes the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, or CPPCC), when a party spokesperson obliquely referred to Zhou's situation as "you know what I mean." Following that lead, Chinese media began to call Zhou either "you know what I mean" -- a phrase usually reserved for superstitiously cautious invocations of gods or demons -- or to refer to him by his birth name, Zhou Yuangen. 

If Zhou's enemies do take him down, here are some others who may well fall with him. (Click on the graphic for an enlarged version.)


All images copyright Foreign Policy Group and Asia Society. Do not reproduce without permission.