For a historical overview of how Democratic presidents have shaped U.S. foreign policy, a good place to start is Frederick S. Calhoun’s discussion of President Woodrow Wilson in Power and Principle: Armed Intervention in Wilsonian Foreign Policy (Kent: Kent State University Press, 1986). David Fromkin examines the legacy of President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s internationalist ideals in In the Time of the Americans: FDR, Truman, Eisenhower, Marshall, MacArthur—The Generation that Changed America’s Role in the World (New York: A.A. Knopf, 1995). President John F. Kennedy’s foreign policy, based on a potent mix of realism and idealism, is best exemplified by his January 20, 1961, inaugural address. President Jimmy Carter presciently spoke of the diminishing threat of the Soviet Union and argued for a renewed U.S. foreign policy based upon global alliances and respect for human rights in his commencement speech at the University of Notre Dame, reproduced in American Foreign Relations, 1977: A Documentary Record (New York: New York University Press, 1979), edited by Elaine P. Adam.

The FP editors note that President Bill Clinton borrowed part of his post-Cold War vision of “democratic enlargement” from his predecessor, President George H. W. Bush, in “Think Again: Clinton’s Foreign Policy” (FOREIGN POLICY, November/December, 2000). Sebastian Mallaby argued in “The Irrelevant Election” (FOREIGN POLICY, September/October, 2000) that former Vice President Al Gore’s view of foreign policy was not distinct from George W. Bush’s. And John Lewis Gaddis suggests that President George W. Bush’s foreign policy is thoroughly Wilsonian, in that it “sees no contradiction between power and principles,” in “A Grand Strategy of Transformation” (FOREIGN POLICY, November/December 2002).

The dismal performance of the Democrats in the 2002 midterm elections provoked a heated debate over how the Democratic Party should retool its approach toward U.S. foreign policy. In “How Democrats Could Have Won” (The Washington Monthly, December 2002), Paul Glastris argues Democrats should adopt a multilateralist approach, while Peter Beinart’s “No Vice” (The New Republic, December 23, 2002) calls for a “hawkish insurgency within the Democratic Party.” In “War Torn” (The Washington Monthly, November 2002), Heather Hurlburt notes that the Democrats’ conflicting policies toward national security are rooted within the culture of the party itself.

John Edwards’s biggest foreign policy speech so far has been his October 7, 2002, address to the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington D.C., wherein he takes President Bush to task for “gratuitous unilateralism.” Edwards sketched out his position on Iraq in a floor statement on October 10, 2002, and in “Congress Must Be Clear” (Washington Post, September 19, 2002). In “John Edwards, Esq.” (The Washington Monthly, October 2001), Joshua Green assesses the viability of Edwards’s candidacy.

Richard Gephardt offers his views on the future of the United States in An Even Better Place: America in the 21st Century (New York: Public Affairs, 1999), written with Michael Wessel. “Defend the Country, Not the Party” (New York Times, September 27, 2002) explains his support for war with Iraq and calls for a bipartisan approach to the war. Katharine Seelye analyzes how the Democrats’ poor performance in the 2002 elections undermined Gephardt’s bid for the presidency in “Outcome Closes Some Doors to 2004” (New York Times, November 7, 2002).

John Kerry explains why the Democrats should not be silent on international affairs in “Democrats and the War on Terrorism” (Blueprint, September/October 2002). See also his essay “We Still Have a Choice on Iraq” (New York Times, September 6, 2002). Joe Klein’s profile, “The Long War of John Kerry” (The New Yorker, December 2, 2002), is essential reading for understanding Kerry’s political evolution. Kerry himself published a book, The New War: The Web of Crime That Threatens America’s Security (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997), which examines the dangers that transnational crime—with its links to terrorism and the illegal drug trade—poses to the United States.

Joseph Lieberman outlined his vision for transforming the Middle East in a January 14, 2002, speech at Georgetown University, “Winning the Wider War Against Terrorism.” Lieberman touts the Democratic Party’s security credentials in “Don’t Doubt Dems: They’re Backing the War Effort” (Wall Street Journal, March 7, 2002). A succinct view of Lieberman’s policy toward Iraq can be found in his October 16, 2002, statement, “Lieberman Hails Signing of Bipartisan Iraq Resolution.” In “Crisis of Our Own Creation” (Washington Post, January 8, 2003), Lieberman sets out his strategy for handling North Korea. Lieberman has written four books, including The Scorpion and the Tarantula: The Struggle to Control Atomic Weapons, 1945–1949 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1970).

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