U.S. President Barack Obama has won over the scientific community. Now, he should adopt their resources and influence for a novel use: bolstering America's foreign policy.
Dennis Brack-Pool/Getty Images
Head of the class: U.S. President Barack Obama addresses the Academy of Sciences last month.
Last week, U.S. President Barack Obama announced his
20-person Council of Advisors on Science and Technology, a group including two
Nobel laureates. He also proclaimed his intention to increase scientific
research spending to 3 percent of GDP, $70 billion more per year. The news
prolonged Obama's honeymoon with U.S. scientists, spurred by his senior-level appointments
of highly respected specialists such as Dr. John Holdren and Dr. Steven Chu as
well as his re-legalization of stem cell research in his first days in office.
As he
recommits resources to this most important field, Obama must remember that
science and technology have tremendous applications in and effects on the world
of foreign policy as well. Given the United States' predominance in technology,
engineering, health, and innovation, other countries want to engage with
and benefit from the United States' ideas and products. Still, past U.S.
governments have not taken full advantage of the power and potential of science
to improve foreign affairs and make a safer, healthier world. To engage in
science diplomacy -- defined here as scientific cooperation and engagement with
the explicit intent of building positive relationships with foreign governments
and societies -- Obama should do the following.
Think strategically. Scientific cooperation
can be a fruitful and apolitical way to engage countries where diplomatic relations
are strained. For example, the U.S. National Academy
of Sciences has sponsored scientific exchanges with Iran for the last several
years. As part of these exchanges, young Iranians enthusiastically welcome
visits from U.S. thinkers like Nobel laureate in physics Joseph Taylor.
Scientists work together on issues of mutual interest such as public health and
earthquake preparedness. A nascent effort at science diplomacy is now underway
in Syria, which recently welcomed a high-level visit of U.S. scientists and
educators. The delegation met for over an hour with President Bashar al-Assad,
himself a medical doctor, to discuss potential areas of cooperation outside the
realm of politics.
Think
offensively as well as defensively. Current policies regarding international
cooperation often restrict access to U.S. technologies -- keeping nuclear
weapons out of the hands of terrorists, for instance. But such defensive
policies should be matched with better offensive policies: bringing the world's
best scientists and scientific businesses into the United States and sending
American scientists out to aid the world more often.
To this end,
the United States should provide visas and scholarships to usher talented
students into American universities and dramatically increase the number of
H-1B visas, which admit specialized workers such as doctors and physicists. The
United States should also send more professionals to aid in conducting disease
surveillance, developing clean energy technologies, facilitating environmental
adaptation, and providing early warning of impending natural disasters.
Think
about people -- not just governments. Foreign publics admire American
science and technology far more than they admire America. Indeed, an analysis
of Pew polling data from 43 countries shows that favorable views of American
science and technology exceed overall views of the United States by an average
of 23 points. This presents the United States with a public diplomacy
opportunity: to remind foreign people of what they like about the United States
and to highlight constructive partnerships between Americans and foreign
scientists, engineers, doctors, and technology business leaders.
As a first
step, the U.S. government should publicize successful partnerships with other
countries and the relevant accomplishments of Americans. This means trumpeting
Bill Gates as much as government officials and naming Nobel laureates like
Egyptian-American chemist Ahmed Zewail as goodwill ambassadors. It means
exposing the thousands of U.S.-government-sponsored scientific visitors to
American society and politics, not just science.
Facing a complex set of foreign-policy challenges,
the United States can no longer afford to overlook such a useful instrument of
statecraft. Regrettably, the U.S. government is not well organized to take
advantage of science diplomacy. The National Science Foundation and technical
departments (Energy, Agriculture, Health and Human Services, and Defense) apply
their resources to science -- but not to its diplomatic use. Thus, the Obama
administration should appoint a senior-level ambassador for science and
technology cooperation in the State Department. He or she could convene an
interagency group coordinating the strategic use of science diplomacy.
But importantly, the Obama administration must change current approaches.
Foreign-policy leaders -- especially Secretary of State Hillary Clinton -- must
recognize the power of this means of engagement. The United States has
emphasized in past weeks its commitment to the globally shared goals of
healthier populations, a cleaner environment, safer societies, and a better
life for all. Recognizing the potential of science diplomacy will certainly
help maximize the United States' realization of these goals.
Vaughan
Turekian is chief international officer and director of the Center for Science
Diplomacy at the American Association for the Advancement of Science.
Kristin
M. Lord is a vice president at the Center for a New American Security and a
nonresident fellow of the Brookings Institution.
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