The IAEA will select its next leader through secrets and posturing.
DIETER NAGL/AFP/Getty Images
A sacred task: Housed in an immaculate hall in Vienna and armed with secret ballots, the IAEA's electors are only missing the Vatican's white smoke.
Largely outside the public limelight, one of the world's most
important elections has been taking place in Vienna. Its victor will become the
next leader of the planet's so-called nuclear watchdog, the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). That agency has served as the world's guardian of
peaceful nuclear power programs for more than 50 years, ensuring that countries
do not abuse their "right" to atomic energy by building nuclear
weapons. It's (literally) Nobel Prize-winning work. But unfortunately, the
IAEA's elections are a secretive and convoluted mess.
I'll explain why in a second, but first, some context. Iran might
be on the verge of making weapons-grade uranium, and the IAEA and its outgoing director-general,
Mohamed ElBaradei, have been thrust into the spotlight over their accounting of
Iran's nuclear program. Many experts fear that if Iran arms itself with nuclear
weapons, a cascade of proliferation will spill across the region, causing
potentially irreparable damage to the nonproliferation regime. The stakes for
the election could not be higher.
Yet after sixweeks,
there is no sign of a breakthrough. After neither of the two original
candidates was able to garner enough votes to win, three more would-be directors-general
were added to the ballot last week.
What's the holdup?
In a nutshell: It's the process. When ElBaradei described
himself as a "secular pope"
in a September 2007 interview with the New
York Times, he was not likely thinking about the IAEA election -- but he
could have easily been. As befitting a nuclear papacy, the ballots are cast
in secret. No puff of white smoke announces the winner (as with the Vatican),
but like the College of Cardinals, the 35 members of the board of governors signal
their intentions to one another while concealing their votes from the public. For
an organization whose watchword is transparency, the irony is rich.
The initial rounds of failed election attempts highlight board
members' deep disagreements over what qualifications matter most. Here, the
ElBaradei legacy weighs heavily. He shared the Nobel Peace Prize with the IAEA
in 2005, vindicating the director-general's
belief that he is on a mission to prevent war. Although some countries welcomed
ElBaradei's activist approach -- he passionately disputed the Bush administration's
claims about weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, for example -- others would
surely prefer someone less controversial. That difference of opinion often
falls along economic lines, with richer countries pushing for a technocrat and
the developing world advocating a peacemaker.
Ambassador Yukiya Amano of Japan has been the favorite of
the United States and many other developed countries precisely because he is a
technocrat with a low political profile. But Amano failed to secure the
required two-thirds majority by one vote, most likely because he was perceived
as too close to the United States.
The second first-round candidate, South Africa's Ambassador
Abdul Samad Minty, is a favorite among the less-developed, nonaligned world. He
has hinted heavily that he would step into the role of peacemaker.
The failure to elect either Amano or Minty in the opening
rounds of voting has widened the field to three more candidates: Luis Echávarri
of Spain, Ernest Petric of Slovenia, and Jean-Pol Poncelet of Belgium were announced
on April 29.
Echávarri appears to be the strongest of the new slate. A
soft-spoken man, he has signaled a position that balances pressure on Iran with
ensuring that the entire developing world has access to peaceful nuclear
technologies. As the head of the OECD's Nuclear Energy Agency, he also has
impeccable technocratic credentials. Petric, a former chair of the board of governors,
and Poncelet, a former Belgian deputy prime minister and a senior vice
president of the French nuclear industry giant Areva, have solid political and
technological experience as well.
IAEA watchers expect Amano to push for an early vote before
the new candidates can fully mobilize support. Some are still on the lookout
for a possible "dark horse" candidate -- most likely Chilean
Ambassador Milenko Skoknic, who served as the previous chairman of the board --
to emerge if the current group of five does not pass muster. The board would
like to select its new director-general by early June to give adequate
transition time before ElBaradei departs in November.
Whoever finally gets the nod will have to continue ElBaradei's
work of building the agency up from a traditionally underfunded and
understaffed one to an international powerhouse of legitimacy and technical
capability. To win those resource battles, the new director-general must have
sufficient political gravitas to balance the interests of the developing and
developed worlds, reminding these camps that they share the mutual interest of
preventing nuclear proliferation and providing for the safe and secure
application of nuclear energy. The new director-general, in effect, should truly
be a nuclear pope, seeking to bring
the world a religious adherence to nonproliferation.
Charles D. Ferguson is
Philip D. Reed senior fellow for science and technology at the Council on
Foreign Relations (CFR) and the project director of the recently released
CFR-sponsored report of the
Independent Task Force on U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy, co-chaired by
William J. Perry and Brent Scowcroft.
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