He is one of the world’s foremost scholars of Islam and the Middle East. Bernard Lewis shares his thoughts on Iraq, “Islamofascism,” the roots of terrorism, and the two biggest misperceptions about the Muslim faith.
From the Jan./Feb. 2008 issue of
Foreign Policy: “
A World Without Islam,” by Graham Fuller.
Remove Islam from the path of history, and the world ends up exactly where it is today.
Foreign Policy:
What do you see as the biggest misperception about Islam?
Bernard Lewis:
Well, there are two. Sometimes one, sometimes the other, predominates. It depends
when and where. I would call them the negative one and the positive one. The negative
one sees Muslims as a collection of bloodthirsty barbarians offering people the
choice of the Koran or the sword, and generally bringing tyranny and oppression
wherever they go. And the other one is the exact opposite, what you might call
the sanitized version, which presents Islam as a religion of love and peace,
rather like the Quakers but without their
aggressiveness. The truth is in
its usual place, somewhere between the extremes.
FP: Do you
believe in the “clash of civilizations” theory of Samuel P. Huntington, that
the Islamic world and the West are destined to butt heads?
BL: Well, I don’t
go into destiny; I’m a historian and I
deal with the past. But I certainly think there is something in the “clash of
civilizations.” What brought Islam and Christendom into conflict was not so
much their differences as their resemblances. There are many religions in the
world, but almost all of them are regional, local, ethnic, or whatever you
choose to call it. Christianity and Islam are the only religions that claim universal
truth. Christians and Muslims are the only people who claim they are the
fortunate recipients of God’s final message to humanity, which it is their duty
not to keep selfishly to themselves—like the Jews or the Hindus or the
Buddhists—but to bring to the rest of mankind, removing whatever obstacles
there may be in the way.
So, we have two religions with a similar self-perception, a
similar historical background, living side by side, and conflict becomes
inevitable.
FP: You write in
your chapter about radical Islam that most Muslims are not fundamentalists, and
that most fundamentalists are not terrorists. That’s not self-evident to
everyone, so can you just explain it a little further?
BL: Naturally we
hear about the acts of terror. Nobody ever wrote a headline saying “a million people
went peacefully about their business yesterday and did nothing.” Terrorism is
very much the news of the moment and it is also the threat of the moment. It is
a real menace, and I don’t wish to understate that or diminish it in any way.
But if one assumes that that’s all there is to Islam, that’s a grave mistake,
because terrorism only comes from one brand of Islam, and even that one brand
of Islam is not entirely committed to terrorism. But for a terrorist movement,
you do need mass support.
FP: I noticed
that you use the term “Islamofascism” in the conclusion of your book. That term
has been hotly debated. What do you think? Is it harmful or useful?
BL: Well, I don’t
use it; I discuss it. I think one has to confront that this is a term that is
used. I don’t like it because it’s insulting to Muslims. They see it as
insulting to link the name of their religion with the most detestable of all
the European movements. It’s useful in the sense that it does distinguish real
Islam from “Islamofascism,” but I still feel that the connection is insulting,
and I prefer to use the term “radical Islam.”
FP: A lot of
analysts, and this is especially something you hear from political leaders in
the Muslim world, say that Islam has nothing to do with terrorism—that these
are completely separate issues. Is that a view that you subscribe to? Some
people say that terrorism is largely caused by occupation or a response to U.S. policy,
not Islam.
BL: Well, I can’t
subscribe to it since the terrorists themselves claim to be acting in the name
of Islam. There was one Muslim leader who said, not long ago, that it is wrong
to speak about Muslim terrorism, because if a man commits an act of terrorism,
he’s not a Muslim. That’s very nice, but that could also be interpreted as
meaning that if a Muslim commits it, it doesn’t count as terrorism.
When a large part of the Muslim world was under foreign
rule, then you might say that terrorism was a result of imperialism, of
imperial rule and occupation. But at the present time, almost the whole of the
Muslim world has achieved its independence. They can no longer blame others for
what goes wrong. They have to confront the realities of their own lives at
home. A few places remain disputed, like Chechnya
and Israel
and some others, but these are relatively minor if you’re talking about the
Islamic world as a whole.